Literature Review & Outline of References in Chapters
Sarah MooreNovember 19, 2009East Asian StudiesCenter for Interdisciplinary StudiesAdvisors: Dr. Joe Dennis, Dr. Fuji Lozada and Dr. Shelley Rigger
Ethnic Identity Formation
“An ethnic group is a self-perceived inclusion of those who hold in common a set of traditions not shared by others with whom they are in contact. Such traditions typically include “folk” religious beliefs and practices, language, a sense of historical continuity, and common ancestry or place or origin” (DeVos 1995). The definition of an ethnic group gets very complicated as cultural boundaries are not clear-cut, nor do they necessarily correspond with ethnic boundaries (Eriksen 1993; Howell 1996; Kassin 2003; Keyes 1981). There is an increase in ethnic diversity within many countries of the world which presents us all with new challenges. This is because ethnic identity is very important in revealing the way we label ourselves and our sense of belonging to and pride in a group (Kassin 2003). Ethnicity is an aspect of relationships, not a cultural property of a group. If a setting is entirely mono-ethnic, there is effectively no ethnicity, since there are no cultural differences. Ethnicity is a product of contact and not of isolation, and it has also shown why the idea of an isolated ethnic group is meaningless (Eriksen 1993). Ethnicity is invented as an advantageous or deliberately marketable identity (De Vos 1995).
Through the immigration of people with different ethnicities, ethnic diversity within a country increases. The way in which ethnic-identity is formed typically begins in adolescence with a passive acceptance of the dominate culture. This is then followed with interest in one.s roots in early adulthood which culminates later in an ethnic identification (Kassin 2003). However, the way in which ethnic-identity is formed is different depending on if the individual who is immigrating is an adult, child, or an individual born in the different culture. For example, an adult who has immigrated would have a stronger ethnic-group identification than someone who was born or arrived in the country early on in their life (Kassin 2003).
An individual.s ethnic identity can be altered by their immersion into a new culture and this process is what psychologists call acculturation. Acculturation strategies can be broken down into four areas: separation, marginalization, integration, and assimilation. Separation is a desire to maintain one.s ethnic traditions and not become part of the host culture. Examples are Native Americans in the United States or devoted North Koreans in Japan. Marginalization takes place when a person has no desire to maintain traditional ties or adopt the new host culture, perhaps due to prejudice and discrimination. Integration is a bicultural pattern in which the person tries to make the best of both worlds, and assimilation occurs when a person abandons the old for the new and completely embraces his or her host culture (Kassin 2003). Acculturation pressures come from both inside and outside one.s ethnic group (Kassin 2003).
Anthropologists also state that ethnic identities are constructed and maintained by both external and internal characteristics (Anderson 1983; DeVos 1995; Eriksen 1993; Kassin 2003; Keyes 1981; Tessler 2005; Wakefield 2007).
These characteristics include racial uniqueness and a sense of shared genetically inherited differences. An ethnic group may have the same social status and this may unite them further. Also, if an ethnic group gains more economic power, there is shift in the whole ethnicity.s social status. Religion maybe a characteristic of constructing and maintaining an ethnic group, although a sense of ethnic identity takes precedence over the Universalist definition of being a Christian (DeVos 1995). Aesthetic cultural is another characteristic, which includes patterns such as food, dance traditions, styles of clothes, and definitions of physical beauty. Language is a major component to maintaining a separate ethnic identity. “Ethnicity is frequently related more to the symbolism of a separate language than to its actual use by all members of a group” (DeVos 1995). For example, the Irish use Gaelic as a symbol of their Celtic ethnicity, Scots use Scottish and North Koreans in Japan use the North Korean dialect of Korean, “Chosen-go” not “Kankoku-go,” the more common universal Korean dialect. Lastly, a group.s territorial or political independence, also know as territoriality, is a way ethnic identity may be maintained. An extreme case of this is the Japanese one origin myth, which claims that those who live in the territory of Japan are one mono-ethnic society. The Japanese case is an extreme example of this characteristic and it is just a myth. Territoriality is actually the least important and/or relevant characteristic. A nation or the word nationality may encompass diverse groups of people (Anderson 1983; DeVos 1995; Eriksen 1993; Kassin 2003; Keyes 1981; Tessler 2005). Examples are the Jews around the world with no homeland, or the Korean minority in Japan. Ethnic identity groups maintain boundaries that are psychological in nature, not territorial.
Diaspora without a Homeland
Unified hope is a characteristic which is very important to ethnic minorities who have no territory they can call their own. These ethnic groups are different than others because they do not have their own homeland. Examples of these minority groups include, Sikhs that live in Pakistan and India, Kurds inhabiting Turkey and Iraq, Basques in Spain, Tamils in Sri Lanka, Palestinians scattered throughout the Middle East and Koreans in Japan. These ethnic minority groups sustain themselves with their unified hope for political independence or recapturing lost national territory. The Jews have their vision of reestablishing Israel, Kurds in Iran hope to reassert their special autonomy by recapturing a political territorial base (DeVos 1995), and Koreans in Japan hope to one day return to a unified Korea.
Colin Mackerras (2003) in his book Ethnicity in Asia, explores ethnicity and ethnic conflict in the contemporary world. He examines extreme cases of ethnic conflict resulting in genocide, such as the Tutsis and Hutus in conflict in Rwanda, the Tamil struggle for a separate homeland in Sri Lanka which resulted in civil war in the 1980s, and conflict is based on ethnicity in Myanmar.
However, most ethnic conflict does not involve war. Examples are the Chinese ethnic minorities in Xinjiang, Tibet and Inner Mongolia. Mackerras explains how ethnic conflict is caused by several factors. First, when the dominant ethnic group looks down on and discriminates against minorities this causes conflict. Often the nationalism of the minority is expressed when they feel threatened by the majority. The minority develops a strong sense of ethno-nationalism which is the pride and sense of identity people feel in belonging to a particular ethnic group within a larger nation-state. This ethno-nationalism sometimes becomes a strong sense of nationalism, leading to strengthened ethnic identities and a strong desire to set up their own break away independent nation-state (Anderson 1983; Eriksen 1993; Keyes 1981). This is the particular case in China. To combat minorities trying to break free, the Chinese government has promoted majority Han Chinese migration into areas where minorities reside, like Xinjiang and Tibet (Mackerras 2003). This leads to significant conflict. Another cause of conflict is minorities simply wanting a better deal for themselves, such as better jobs and a better standard of living. Non-violent ethnic movements may generate positive change for minority groups. In the best cases, the majority listens to the minority and acknowledges their complaints and weak position in society. The majority then decides to make them more satisfied (Mackerras 2003). Though in some cases minorities are ignored and cannot speak up. For example, in Japan, minorities are veiled by the myth of Japan.s mono-ethnic status and are ignored.
Japan.s Mono-ethnic Myth
It is often believed that Japan is a homogeneous, monolithic society, with a strong sense of national and group identity, and little or no ethnic or racial diversity (Caprio 2009; Hicks 1997; Howell 1996; Kashiwazaki 2009; Kristof 1995; Leveille 1998; Refsing 2003; Ryang 1997; Shimahara 1984; Sugimoto 2003; Tipton 2002; Weiner 1997). Many Japanese describe their shared characteristics as wareware Nipponjin or “we Japanese,” as they speak for all Japanese people. The Japanese are believed to come from a single ethnic intimate family that makes them uniquely Japanese. Japan.s mono-ethnic myth is believed at all levels of society and by some outside observers as well. Obvious evidence that contradicts this myth is often blatantly ignored and even the use of the word “Japanese” is assumed to define a mono-ethnic society (Weiner 1997; Howell 1996; Sugimoto 2003; Murphy-Shigematsu 1993; De Vos and Wagatsuma 1995).
This Japanese mythology of homogeneity seems to go back to the beginning of the Yamato state around the fifth century and persists to the present day. The importance and dominance of this ideology throughout history in Japan includes the kokutai ideology in the mid-eighteenth century, which stressed the unbroken imperial line of all Japanese people making society harmonious and unified. Japan was also claimed to be a kazoku kokka describing the state as a family with the emperor as the father and the subjects as his children. In the postwar period, Japanese leaders used the mono-ethnic myth to unify the Japanese majority and to help Japanese people forget the past of imperialistic Japan. De Vos uses the example of Japan to illustrate an extreme case of attaching ethnic identity to territorial independence. This is possible due to the Japanese mono-ethnic myth (DeVos 1995).
Invisible Minorities- Nobody can become Japanese
There are distinct minorities in Japan such as the Burakumin, Ainu, Ryukyuans, and Koreans. There are also people of mixed ethnic ancestry, such as Korean-Japanese or American-Japanese offspring (Howell 1996; Refsing 2003; Shimahara 1984; Sugimoto 2003; Weiner 1997). Anthropological evidence suggests the Ainu and the Ryukyuan peoples during the Jomon era were one of the first settlers of Japan. During the ninth century, there was an increase in invasion and migration from China and Korea. The Japanese colonial period brought many Koreans to settle in Japan due to their freedom of movement as imperial subjects. After the war there were efforts to repatriate them but many stayed in Japan (Murphy-Shigematsu 1993). In recent years there has been a flood of foreigners into Japan seeking economic opportunities and dramatically changing the ethnic composition of non-Japanese living in the country. During the post World War II period, there has been extensive research on these minorities and their role in Japanese society (Kristof 1995; Weiner 1997; Sugimoto 2003; Hammel 1988; Shimahara 1984).
Discrimination in Japan
The combination of Japan.s mono-ethnic myth and the existence of minorities naturally create issues within Japan. Those who do not fit into the oneness of Japan become invisible or are labeled as gakokuijin or “outside country person”; they are not “true” Japanese and face some form of social discrimination (Murphy-Shigematsu 1993; DeVos 1995). Unfortunately, Japan.s mono-ethic myth functions to ignore discrimination because if there are no minorities there discrimination can not exist (Murphy-Shigematsu 1993; Refsing 2003; Weiner 1997).
The Burakumin are the largest minority in Japan. They are the former outcastes of the Japanese feudal era and make up about three million individuals (DeVos 1995; Weiner 1997). During the feudal era people who had occupations which were considered impure such as executioners, tanners, butchers or undertakes were outcastes and lived in their own separate ghettos. In 1871, the feudal caste system was abolished but discrimination against Burakumin is still alive today. Burakumin physically look no different from mainstream Japanese society but many are easily identifiable as there are Burakumin communities that still exist today and many still hold jobs that were seen as impure during the feudal period. It may seem like passing as a normal Japanese person is easy for these Burakumin today but to attain a job outside of these buraku communities is difficult as companies require a copy of one.s registry when applying for a job (DeVos 1995; Refsing 2003; Shimahara 1984; Sugimoto 1984). If one is discovered to come from a buraku family they are usually not hired. Also, it is very important in mainstream Japanese society not to marry a Burakumin. Therefore, before a marriage families do full investigations of the groom or bride.s family to check for buraku ancestry. Therefore, the Burakumin to this day are a distinct minority group in Japanese society and have developed very strong in-group solidarity. In order to live in the face of strong social discrimination and prejudice, the ordinary Burakumin has to rely heavily upon the group (DeVos 1995).
Zainichi, North and South Koreans
Another minority in Japan that is discriminated against are the Koreans. A large number of Koreans have assimilated into Japanese society, changing their names to traditional Japanese names, engaging in Japanese customs and “passing” as Japanese. However, there still is a large population which has resisted assimilation, and hold on to their language and cultural Korean background. Koreans who resist assimilation face discrimination in Japanese society and in their struggle they have joined one of the two main Korean resident organizations. One is the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, called the Chongryon in Korean and Chosen Soren in Japanese. The other main Korean group is the Korean Residents Union in Japan, called the Mindan. The Chongryon has close ties with North Korea and the Mindan has close ties with South Korea (Caprio 2009; Edward 1951; Fukuoka 2002; Hicks 1997; Kashiwazaki 2009; Kristof 1995; Leveille 1998; Ryang 2009; Weiner 1989).
Chongryon, North Koreans in Japan
The Chongryon is a prominent organization representing the Korean minority in Japan, though their membership has declined since the 1960s as resident Korean.s affinity to North Korea has decreased. Members of the Chongryon are called Zainichi Chosenjin in Japanese. Many members are stateless people and for generations their home has been in Japan yet they are seen as foreigners and are heavily discriminated against. The Japanese government does not even recognize the validity of North Korean nationality or passports making travel difficult for these people. Zainichi Chosenjin have been a topic of interest among researchers for many years now (Leveille 1998; Weiner 1989; Motani 2002; Chung 1964; Ryang 1997).
Growing up in Japan I too looked at the North Korean ethnic group in a negative light, as these people were followers of Kim Jong-Il, the ruthless dictator who fired missiles over Japan. It was not until my sophomore year of high school when my mother finally revealed to me I had distant North Korean relatives in Tokyo working for Chongryon that I started to take a second look at this minority group. I realized my feelings of resentment towards these people came from an ideology I absorbed by living in Japan and was completely wrong. This experience has led me to become interested in exploring this particular minority group.
Who exactly are the North Korean minority in Japan and what is their common history? What makes them distinctly different from mainstream Japanese society and distinctly different from any other minority in the world? This is a question that I have explored through the considerable literature written on the subject, especially works by Sonia Ryang (Ryang 1997 and 2009; Eriko 2000; Hee-gwan 2000; Higuchi 2000; Kazuki 2001; Wagner 1951; Weiner 1989; Tipton 2002; Motani 2002; Gap Min 1992; Okano 2004).
Examples of aspects that unify the North Korean minority into a solid ethnic group described in literature by numerous scholars, include the North Korean foods they eat, sports and dances they learn, portraits of Kim Jong-ill and Kim il-sung they hang in their houses and the North Korean dialect they learn. After exploring these aspects I have taken a strong interest in the North Korean minority.s education system. Education is particularly interesting as it is an institutionalized system to foster political identity and nationalism towards the DPRK. In Japan there are 218 North Korean high schools and a university in Tokyo (Arita 2009; Gap Min 1992; Motani 2002; Okano 2004; Ryang 1997). There have been many theories about the connection between formal education and political identity, and how it fosters nationalism for one.s people or country (Wakefield, David and Hudley, Cynthia, 2007; Adams, Gregory and Tessler, Richard, 2005). I want to look at the role of formal education in shaping “Zainichi Chosenjin” attitudes towards the North Korean state. I then want to specifically focus on how formal education has changed since 1946 when the first North Korean minority school was established. I believe that formal education of North Korean residents in Japan is distancing itself from the DPRK and Kim Il-Sung.s cult of personality and leaning more toward the standard Japanese style of education. With this change, political identity and nationalism toward the DPRK is decreasing among the “Zainichi Chosenjin” and more and more are assimilating.
References
Anderson, Benedict R. O'G. Imagined communities reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. London: Verso, 1983. Print.
Arita, Eriko. "Discrimination against Korean and other Ethnic Schools." The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus. The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus. JapanFocus.org. Web. 5 Nov. 2009.
Caprio, Mark E., and Yu Jia. "Occupations of Korea and Japan and the Origins of the Korean Diaspora in Japan." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Chung, Kiwon. “Japanese-North Korean Relations Today.” Asian Survey 4 (1964): 788-803.
Cunha, Manuela Carneiro da. "Children, Politics, and Culture: The Case of Brazilian Indians." Children and the politics of culture. Ed. Sharon Stephens. Princeton, N.J: Princeton UP, 1995. Print.
DeVos, George. "Ethnic Pluralism: Conflict and Accommodation." Ethnic Identity Creation, Conflict, and Accommodation. Ed. Romanucci-Ross Lola and George DeVos. New York: AltaMira, 1995. Print.
Edward, Wagner W. The Korean Minority in Japan: 1904.1950. New York: Institute of Pacific Relations, 1951. Print.
Eriko, Aoki. "Korean children, textbooks, and educational practices in Japanese primary schools." Koreans in Japan Critical Voices from the Margin. Ed. Sonia Ryang. New York: Routledge, 2005. Print
Eriksen, Thomas Hylland. "What is ethnicity?" Ethnicity and nationalism anthropological perspectives. London: Pluto, 1993. Print.
Fukuoka, Yasunori. Lives of young Koreans in Japan. Melbourne: Trans Pacific, 2000. Print.
Gap Min, Pyong. “A Comparison of the Korean Minorities in China and Japan.” International Migration Review 26 (1992): 4-21.
George., Hicks,. Japan's hidden apartheid the Korean minority and the Japanese. London: Ashgate, 1997. Print
GO. Dir. Kazuki Kaneshiro. Kodansha, 2001. DVD.
Hester, Jeffrey. " Kids between nations: ethnic classes in the construction of Korean identities in Japanese public schools." Koreans in Japan Critical Voices from the Margin. Ed. Sonia Ryang. New York: Routledge, 2005. Print
Howell, David L. "Ethnicity and Culture in Contemporary Japan." Journal of Contemporary History 31 (1996): 171-190.
Hummel, E. A. “A Glimpse into the Demography of the Ainu.” American Anthropologists 90 (1988): 25-41.
Inokuchi, Hiromitsu. " Korean ethnic schools in occupied Japan, 1945.52" Koreans in Japan Critical Voices from the Margin. Ed. Sonia Ryang. New York: Routledge, 2005. Print
Kaori, Okano H. “Koreans in Japan: A minority.s Changing Relationship with Schools.” International Review of Education 50 (2004): 119-140.
Kassin, Saul M. "Social and Cultural Groups." Psychology. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2003. 547-71. Print.
Kashiwazaki, Chikako. "The Foreigner Category For Koreans in Japan: Opportunities and Constraints." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Keyes, Charles. "The Dialectics of Ethnic Change." Ethnic Change. Seattle: University of Washington, 1981. Print.
Korea University. Web. 5 Nov. 2009.
Kristof, Nicholas D. "Japan's Invisible Minority: Better Off Than in Past, But Still Outcasts." New York Times. 30 Nov. 1995. 20 Apr. 2008http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9B01E7DB1139F 933A05752C1A963958260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=2.
Leveille, Johanne. "Being Korean in Japan." Japan Quarterly 45 (1998): 83.
Lie, John. "The End of The Road? The Post-Zainichi Generation." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Morris-Suzuki, Tessa. "Freedom and Homecoming: Narratives of Migration in the Repatriation of Zainichi Koreans to North Korea." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Motani, Yoko. “Towards a More Just Educational Policy for Minorities in Japan: the case of Korean ethnic schools.” Comparative Education 38 (2002): 225-237.
Refsing, Kirsten. "In Japan, but not of Japan." Ethnicity in Asia A Comparative Introduction (Asia's Transformations). Ed. Colin Mackerras. New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. Print.
Ryang, Sonia. "Between the Nations: Diaspora and Koreans in Japan." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Ryang, Sonia. North Koreans in Japan Language, Ideology, and Identity. Boulder: Westview, 1997. Print.
Ryang, Sonia. "Visible and Vulnerable: The Predicament of Koreans in Japan." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Shimahara, Nobuo. “Toward the Equality of a Japanese Minority: the case of
Burakumin.” Comparative Education 20 (1984): 339-358. Sugimoto, Yoshio. An Introduction to Japanese Society. Cambridge UP, 2003. Tessler, Richard and Adams, Gregory, “The Development of Ethnic Identity
Among Chinese Adoptees: Paradoxical Effects of School Diversity.” Adoption Quarterly 8 (2005): 25-46.
Tipton, Elise. Modern Japan A Social and Political History (Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese studies). New York: Routledge, 2002. Print.
Wakefield, David and Hudley Cynthia, “Ethnic and Racial Identity and Adolescent Well-Being.” Theory Into Practices 46 (2007): 147-154. Weiner, Michael. Japan's Minorities: the Illusion of Homogeneity. New York: Routledge, 1997. Weiner, Michael. The Origins of the Korean Community in Japan, 1910-1923. New Jersey: Humanities P International, 1989.
在日本朝鮮人総聯合会 (Official homepage of the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan). Web. 10 Nov. 2009.
Thesis Summary
Title: North Korean Identity Slipping Through their Grip: How the educational system of North Koreans living in Japan fosters political identity and nationalism towards the DPRK and how this has changed over time.Thesis Statement: The North Korean minority group or “Zainichi Chosenjin” isone among many minority groups in Japan. They are a stateless people living for many generations in Japan. Even though they have made their home in Japan, they are seen as foreigners and are heavily discriminated against. The North Korean educational system in Japan run by the Chosensoren has incorporated propaganda and selective teachings in their curriculum to foster political identity and nationalism towards the Democratic People.s Republic of Korea. However, in recent years students are identifying less and less with North Korean teachingsand nationalism compared to their parents and grandparents. There are several factors that contribute to this. First, in the last five years the Chosensoren hasdistanced itself from North Korea. Second, monetary support for these schoolsfrom the North Korean government has decreased significantly. Lastly, young Zainichi Chosenjins are at a huge disadvantage by identifying with North Korea due to the highly xenophobic nature of Japan and the current negative media coverage of North Korea.
Research To Be Discussed:
1.
Introduction on minorities in Japan especially the Korean minority
2.
Historical Background on “Zainichi Chosenjin”
3.
Connection between formal education and the fostering of nationalism
4.
Examples of groups in other counties faced with the same problem
5.
Chosenjin education system (write specifically on kindergartens, middle schools, high schools, universities)
6.
Specific section on elementary schools: Case of Edogawa elementary school
7.
Specific section on the university (Korea University): History and thechanges throughout time
8.
The Kim.s portraits in the institutions: Changes over time
9.
School textbooks and how they have changed over time: Focus on English and French textbooks
10.
Mandatory school extracurricular activities such as traditional Korean dance class for girls and soccer for boys
11.
The layout of the schools and any historical significance to thedesign of the school. (University looks like a storage area) 10.Who funds the Chosensoren schools and how that has changed over
time? 11.Specific stories of individuals or groups I encountered and their experience growing up in Zainichi Chosenjin institutions. 12.Conclusion on how this minority group will end up on the next decade?
Methodology: Interviews with Zainichi Chosenjin and spending time with a Zainichi Chosenji family. Observations based on tours of Zainichi Chosenjin areas in Tokyo, Japan and Osaka, Japan. Tours of Zainichi Chosenjin institutions. Research of relevant literature on the topic, specifically looking at theworks of Sonia Ryang. I will also look at the curriculum and textbooks used at theNorth Korean schools and investigate how much interaction they have with North Korea.
References in the Chapters of Thesis
Chapter 1: Introduction, focus on methodology
Literature:
Anderson, Benedict R. O'G. Imagined communities reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. London: Verso, 1983. Print.
Cunha, Manuela Carneiro da. "Children, Politics, and Culture: The Case of Brazilian Indians." Children and the politics of culture. Ed. Sharon Stephens. Princeton, N.J: Princeton UP, 1995. Print.
DeVos, George. "Ethnic Pluralism: Conflict and Accommodation." Ethnic Identity Creation, Conflict, and Accommodation. Ed. Romanucci-Ross Lola and George DeVos. New York: AltaMira, 1995. Print.
Eriksen, Thomas Hylland. "What is ethnicity?" Ethnicity and nationalism anthropological perspectives. London: Pluto, 1993. Print.
Howell, David L. "Ethnicity and Culture in Contemporary Japan." Journal of Contemporary History 31 (1996): 171-190.
Hummel, E. A. “A Glimpse into the Demography of the Ainu.” American Anthropologists 90 (1988): 25-41.
Kassin, Saul M. "Social and Cultural Groups." Psychology. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2003. 547-71. Print.
Keyes, Charles. "The Dialectics of Ethnic Change." Ethnic Change. Seattle: University of Washington, 1981. Print.
Refsing, Kirsten. "In Japan, but not of Japan." Ethnicity in Asia A Comparative Introduction (Asia's Transformations). Ed. Colin Mackerras. New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. Print.
Ryang, Sonia. North Koreans in Japan Language, Ideology, and Identity. Boulder: Westview, 1997. Print. Shimahara, Nobuo. “Toward the Equality of a Japanese Minority: the case of
Burakumin.” Comparative Education 20 (1984): 339-358. Sugimoto, Yoshio. An Introduction to Japanese Society. Cambridge UP, 2003. Tessler, Richard and Adams, Gregory, “The Development of Ethnic Identity
Among Chinese Adoptees: Paradoxical Effects of School Diversity.” Adoption Quarterly 8 (2005): 25-46.
Tipton, Elise. Modern Japan A Social and Political History (Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese studies). New York: Routledge, 2002. Print.
Wakefield, David and Hudley Cynthia, “Ethnic and Racial Identity and Adolescent Well-Being.” Theory Into Practices 46 (2007): 147-154.
Chapter 2: Introduction/Background information to North Koreans Living in Japan Goal of Chapter: Get the reader familiar with how the Zainichi Chosenjin formed
in Japan. The history is very important for understanding the Zainichi Chosenjin today and the role they play in Japanese society.
Literature:
Caprio, Mark E., and Yu Jia. "Occupations of Korea and Japan and the Origins of the Korean Diaspora in Japan." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Edward, Wagner W. The Korean Minority in Japan: 1904.1950. New York: Institute of Pacific Relations, 1951. Print.
Fukuoka, Yasunori. Lives of young Koreans in Japan. Melbourne: Trans Pacific, 2000. Print.
George., Hicks,. Japan's hidden apartheid the Korean minority and the Japanese. London: Ashgate, 1997. Print
Kashiwazaki, Chikako. "The Foreigner Category For Koreans in Japan: Opportunities and Constraints." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Kristof, Nicholas D. "Japan's Invisible Minority: Better Off Than in Past, But Still Outcasts." New York Times. 30 Nov. 1995. 20 Apr. 2008http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9B01E7DB1139F 933A05752C1A963958260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=2.
Leveille, Johanne. "Being Korean in Japan." Japan Quarterly 45 (1998): 83.
Morris-Suzuki, Tessa. "Freedom and Homecoming: Narratives of Migration in the Repatriation of Zainichi Koreans to North Korea." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Ryang, Sonia. "Between the Nations: Diaspora and Koreans in Japan." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Ryang, Sonia. North Koreans in Japan Language, Ideology, and Identity. Boulder: Westview, 1997. Print.
Ryang, Sonia. "Visible and Vulnerable: The Predicament of Koreans in Japan." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Tipton, Elise. Modern Japan A Social and Political History (Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese studies). New York: Routledge, 2002. Print.
Weiner, Michael. Japan's Minorities: the Illusion of Homogeneity. New York: Routledge, 1997. Weiner, Michael. The Origins of the Korean Community in Japan, 1910-1923. New Jersey: Humanities P International, 1989.
在日本朝鮮人総聯合会 (Official homepage of the General Association of Korean
Residents in Japan). Web. 10 Nov. 2009.
Chapter 3: School System
Goal of Chapter: Overview of the educational system of the Zainichi Chosenjin, Elementary schools: The Case of Edogawa elementary school, Korea University, Portraits of the Kims in the schools, Textbooks throughout history, Curriculum/Extracurricular activities/Funding
Literature:
Arita, Eriko. "Discrimination against Korean and other Ethnic Schools." The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus. The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus. JapanFocus.org. Web. 5 Nov. 2009.
Eriko, Aoki. "Korean children, textbooks, and educational practices in Japanese primary schools." Koreans in Japan Critical Voices from the Margin. Ed. Sonia Ryang. New York: Routledge, 2005. Print
GO. Dir. Kazuki Kaneshiro. Kodansha, 2001. DVD.
Hester, Jeffrey. " Kids between nations: ethnic classes in the construction of Korean identities in Japanese public schools." Koreans in Japan Critical Voices from the Margin. Ed. Sonia Ryang. New York: Routledge, 2005. Print
Inokuchi, Hiromitsu. " Korean ethnic schools in occupied Japan, 1945.52" Koreans in Japan Critical Voices from the Margin. Ed. Sonia Ryang. New York: Routledge, 2005. Print
Kaori, Okano H. “Koreans in Japan: A minority.s Changing Relationship with Schools.” International Review of Education 50 (2004): 119-140.
Korea University. Web. 5 Nov. 2009.
Motani, Yoko. “Towards a More Just Educational Policy for Minorities in Japan: the case of Korean ethnic schools.” Comparative Education 38 (2002): 225-237.
Ryang, Sonia. North Koreans in Japan Language, Ideology, and Identity. Boulder: Westview, 1997. Print.
Chapter 4: Personal research stories
Goal of Chapter: Observations and conclusions made during my research
Chapter5: Conclusion
Goal of Chapter: Future of these people and what this means for Japan and North Korea.
Literature:
Chung, Kiwon. “Japanese-North Korean Relations Today.” Asian Survey 4 (1964): 788-803. Gap Min, Pyong. “A Comparison of the Korean Minorities in China and Japan.” International Migration Review 26 (1992): 4-21.
Lie, John. "The End of The Road? The Post-Zainichi Generation." Diaspora Without Homeland. Ed. Sonia Ryang and John Lie. Berkeley: University of California, 2009. Print.
Ryang, Sonia. North Koreans in Japan Language, Ideology, and Identity. Boulder: Westview, 1997. Print.
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