java

Tuesday, January 29, 2013

kado lesson Suisen

一種生け 伝花 one-way,traditional style of Ikenobo
池坊独特の生け方 
ニホンズイセン(Narcissus tazetta var. chinensis),Nihon-Zuisen

二本のみで構成 made by only two rods
体 Tai, on the front,千鳥に Chidori




http://blog.goo.ne.jp/amenimomakezu123/e/33f62a6af054c9cf124f68d56ea2e4bc




http://xn--m9j881n25q.jp/cat17/post_883.html

日本水仙(ニホンズイセン)



お正月の生け花に欠かせない日本水仙(ニホンズイセン)は、気品のある姿と香りで人気があります。日本水仙(ニホンズイセン)といっても、古い時代にシナズイセンが日本に渡来して、それが野生化したものといわれています。このシナズイセンもまた小アジア~地中海東部地方がルーツらしいです。
ニホンズイセンは越前海岸の群落が有名であり、福井県の県花ともなっています。

日本水仙(ニホンズイセン)


ニホンズイセンの民話も越前地方にあります。
村長の二人の息子が、ある村娘をそろって好きになり、村娘が悩んで越前海岸から身を投げてしまいました。
そののち村人が海岸に流れ着いた草を植えたら、やがて花が咲き、それが水仙なので村娘の化身という話が残されているそうです。
こういう話を思い浮かべながら水仙をみると、花が清楚な村娘にみえてきます。

ギリシャ神話の美少年ナルキソス(ナルシッサス)も、水面に映るわが姿に見とれ,そのまま花になってしまったのが水仙だということです。
そこで,英名は narsissus です。また,自分の美貌に酔いしれる人をナルシストと呼ぶのもここから来ています。

※ウィキメディア参照
海外では水仙は「希望」の象徴であり、ガン患者をサポートする団体の多くで、春の訪れと共に咲くこの水仙が「希望」のシンボルとのことです。


http://plumkiw948.at.webry.info/201201/article_8.html


中国の水仙に関わる起源伝説。
冬の寒い日、乞食が、漳州南郷の園山の麓の家を訪ね、食べ物をもらおうとした。応対に出た老母は、残っていたご飯を惜しまずに乞食にあげた。ご飯を食べた乞食は、老母の田が何処にあるのか尋ね、老母と一緒にその田へ行った。乞食は田の中に食べたご飯を吐き出すと、老母に「これからは、花を売って暮らしなさい」と言い残して、近くの湖に身を投げて姿を消してしまった。やがて、乞食が田に吐き出したご飯粒から芽が出て、正月には一面に花を咲かせた。水に身を投げた神仙が授けてくれた花なので、その花は水仙花と呼ばれた。

アガツマスイッセン(吾妻水仙)に関わる伝説。
遠い昔から、スミレ(菫)とアガツマスイセン(吾妻水仙)は、仲よく立ち並んで咲いていたのに、アガツマスイセン(吾妻水仙)は、その堅い葉をもって、度々スミレ(菫)すみれを傷つけるのであった。これに憤慨していたスミレ(菫)は、或る風の強く吹く日に、アガツマスイセン(吾妻水仙)が地に倒れた時、日頃の復讐をなすはこのチャンスだとばかりに、スミレ(菫)は尖ったその葉をもって、アガツマスイセン(吾妻水仙)の花の一片を切り落としてしまった。この時から、アガツマスイセン(吾妻水仙)の花は、三辨に咲き出るようになった。

イスラム教の開祖、歴史上の人物として宗教家であると同時に政治家であり、或る時は軍事指揮官でもあったマホメットの教えの1ツで、「2切れのパンを持つ者は、その1切れをスイセン(水仙)と交換しなさい。パンは肉体に必要だが、スイセン(水仙)は心に必要だ。」とある。

イギリスの国花の1ツ、福井県の県花である。

スイセン(水仙)を詠んだ俳句
「其のにほひ 桃より白し 水仙花」 松尾 芭蕉
「初雪や 水仙の葉の たはむまで」 松尾 芭蕉
「水仙や 白き障子の とも映り」 松尾 芭蕉
「水仙や 寒き都の ここかしこ」 与謝 蕪村
「水仙の 花の高さの 日影かな」 河合 智月
「水仙の 香やこぼれても 雪の上」 加賀 千代女

花言葉は、自己愛やうぬぼれなどである。

Friday, January 25, 2013

PHOTO COURTESY OF STEVEN CAVALLO

http://www.northjersey.com/arts_entertainment/art/182311061_Westwood_artist_exhibits_in_Washington__D_C_.html

Westwood artist exhibits in Washington, D.C.

THURSDAY, DECEMBER 6, 2012
PASCACK VALLEY COMMUNITY LIFE
PRINT | E-MAIL
Westwood artist Steve Cavallo will exhibit a series of paintings at George Mason University Gallery in Virginia, just outside of Washington, D.C.


PHOTO COURTESY OF STEVEN CAVALLO
Westwood artist Steve Cavallo will exhibit his artwork in Washington, D.C.
The exhibit will feature seven artists, including filmmakers and photographers, focusing on Comfort Women as the theme.

'Comfort women' were women who were forced into sexual slavery during World War II by the government of Imperial Japan.

Cavallo designed the first U.S. memorial recognizing 'Comfort Women.'

He gained political momentum and support by working along with Palisades Park Mayor James Rotundo and the Korean American Voters Council.

The memorial – located outside the public library in Palisades Park — was dedicated in October of 2010 but did not receive wide recognition until this past May when three members of the Japanese Parliament came to Palisades Park requesting the memorial be removed.







http://blog.sva.edu/2009/10/false-comfort/




False Comfort
October 14, 2009
This fall, alumnus Steve Cavallo (BFA 1979 Illustration) traveled to South Korea as part of an artistic journey through the history of war and its tragic consequences. While working on his Playing Army series—in which he creates watercolor paintings of toy soldiers to depict scenes of violence and heartbreak caused by armed conflict—Cavallo learned about the WWII-era “Comfort Women.” “These were girls between 10 and 20 years old, abducted by the Japanese army during WWII,” he says. “Approximately 200,000 women were put in ‘Comfort Stations,’ where they were forced to serve 30 – 40 men a day.” He read an account of this systemic forced prostitution in a book called Silence Broken by Dai Sil Kim-Gibson (Mid-Prairie Books, 1999), and was moved to make contact with the few living survivors, many of whom live together in the House of Sharing, a site in Korea that serves as both a residence and museum of the history of sexual slavery.



After hosting a benefit for the House of Sharing at the Palisades Park Library in New Jersey, Cavallo went to the women’s home in September, presented them with the funds he’d raised, and began adding paintings about the Comfort Women to the Playing Army series. “The way that children play with action figures, the way kids see war, life and death is so casual—I killed you but you can be alive again,” says Cavallo. “These women’s lives were destroyed forever, and there was no restarting. They didn’t get to play over again.”



To view the complete set of Playing Army paintings, visit Cavallo’s Web site; to learn more about the Comfort Women, visit houseofsharing.org.

Images: Steve Cavallo, (top) Comfort Woman Action Figure—Comes Complete with 50 Japanese Soldiers, 2009; (bottom) Comfort Woman Nightmare Set, 2009.





http://www.northjersey.com/community/announcements/122639604_Local_artists_are__Facing_Reality_.html




‘Facing Reality’: Local artists’ exhibit features current events

THURSDAY, MAY 26, 2011
PASCACK VALLEY COMMUNITY LIFE
PRINT | E-MAIL
Artists Shin-Young An of Cliffside Park and Steve Cavallo of Westwood will be exhibiting a series of oil paintings and watercolors during the month of May at BergenPAC's Intermezzo Gallery, on the second floor of the theater. "Facing Reality" is their first two-person show together. Steve Cavallo, whose watercolor is pictured above, spent the 1980s and 1990s as an illustrator after graduating from The School of Visual Arts in Manhattan before moving to the fine arts in early 1999. His work covers social issues from immigration to the Japanese Interments Camps of World War II, Korean Comfort Women as well as the brevity of life and the sorrows of death. Bergen PAC is located at 30 North Van Brunt Street in Englewood. For more information, call BergenPAC at 201-816-8160.


PICTURE COURTESY OF STEVE CAVALLO
Tags: Announcements | Arts & Entertainment A

Debate over comfort women memorial puts City Councilman Peter Koo on the hot seat Supporters say painful chapter in Asian history needs to be remembered

http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/queens/debate-comfort-women-memorial-puts-city-councilman-peter-koo-hot-seat-article-1.1075271


Debate over comfort women memorial puts City Councilman Peter Koo on the hot seat
Supporters say painful chapter in Asian history needs to be remembered

Comments (5)
BY LISA L. COLANGELO / NEW YORK DAILY NEWS

PUBLISHED: THURSDAY, MAY 10, 2012, 6:00 AM
UPDATED: THURSDAY, MAY 10, 2012, 6:00 AM



DUSTIN FENSTERMACHER

The Kupferberg Holocaust Center and the Korean American Voters Association hosted an event in 2011 highlighting the common bond between Holocaust survivors and Asian comfort women. From left to right, Hanne Liebmann and Ethel Katz, both Holocaust survivors, and Yong Soo Lee and Ok-Seon Yi, two of the few remaining Korean comfort women.

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DOMINICK TOTINO

A painting by Steve Cavallo was part of an exhibit at the Kupferberg Holocaust Center in conjunction with a 2011 event highlighting the common bond between Holocaust survivors and Asian comfort women.

DUSTIN FENSTERMACHER

Yong Soo Lee, one of the few surviving Korean comfort women, spoke on a panel at the Kupferberg Holocaust Center as part of an event in 2011 highlighting the common bond between Holocaust survivors and Asian comfort women.
When a simple street renaming proposal triggered an international debate, no one was more surprised than the man who started it — City Councilman Peter Koo.

Koo is considering a request from the Korean-American community for a memorial of some sort for Asian comfort women.

Scholars say up to 200,000 girls and young women were kidnapped or lured from Korea, China and other occupied lands to serve as sex slaves for the Japanese Army during World War II.

“A lot of people suffered. We wanted to do something to commemorate these comfort women,” Koo (D-Flushing) told the Daily News on Wednesday. “I didn’t expect the people in Japan would respond this like.”

Koo and his Council colleagues, including Dan Halloran (R-Whitestone) and Mark Weprin (D-Oakland Gardens), received angry letters and emails from Japan.

“The term ‘comfort women’ refers simply to prostitutes in wartime,” read one of the letters. “But Koreans have long been promoting a false version of history.”

The letter also accuses Koo of pandering to his Korean-American constituents to ensure re-election.

“This is not anti-Japanese,” said Koo, who was born in Shanghai, China. “A lot of people suffered. A lot of Japanese suffered.”

Koo is mulling whether to rename a street in downtown Flushing as well as install a plaque or memorial in the area.

The plan, first reported by Danny Shin in the Queens-based Korea Daily, caused a stir when it was picked up by the newspaper’s parent company in Korea. Japanese media ran with the story.

“This is really important for the Asian-American community,” said Chejin Park, staff attorney for Korean American Civic Empowerment, which has been lobbying Koo for the memorial. “There are survivors who are suffering.”

Japanese government officials said they were not associated with the letter-writing campaign.

Yasuhisa Kawamura, Deputy Chief of Mission at the Consulate General of Japan in New York, told The News that his government “recognizes the issue, officially extended apologies [in 1993] and assisted the Asian Women Fund [in 1995] hoping strongly to enhance understanding and promote the ties and friendship.”

He emphasized that Japan, Korea and the U.S. are “important partners.”

Koo dined on Tuesday with Shigeyuki Hiroki, Ambassador and Consul General of Japan in New York.

It was cordial and didn’t focus on the comfort women memorial issue, Koo said.

Koo became more familiar with the topic when he worked with the Kupferberg Holocaust Center at Queensborough Community College to sponsor a forum that joined victims of the Holocaust with comfort women.

“Those stories were really powerful,” Koo said, noting it was an emotional experience for him.

Arthur Flug, executive director of the Kupferberg Holocaust Center, said it is vital to archive the experiences of the comfort women so they will not be forgotten.

“We are working against time here,” he said, noting that surviving comfort women, like Holocaust survivors, are in their 80s and 90s. “These are powerful lessons in social justice.”

Pressure to drop the memorial is expected to continue.

Four elected officials from Japan travelled to Palisades Park, N.J., this week to express their displeasure with the borough’s memorial to comfort women.

The group told Mayor James Rotundo the plaque should be removed or at least scrubbed of a reference to “more than 200,000 women and girls who were abducted.”

Rotundo said the borough council would not comply with either of their requests.

“They left saying this is not the end and they will be in touch,” Rotundo said.

lcolangelo@nydailynews.com



Read more: http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/queens/debate-comfort-women-memorial-puts-city-councilman-peter-koo-hot-seat-article-1.1075271#ixzz2IypZtYPX

BARKDOG255 days ago
An appropriate place for this memorial is in South Korea or Japan. Let
them fight about it there.
Reply0
MASMETQC256 days ago
Boo-Woo-Woo KOO. Go back where you came from and take your memorial
with you. I refuse to go into Flushing because of what YOU anf YOUR
prople have done to it. DESTROYED IT. Maybe we should drop the bomb
there, it worked out good on the other side. You finally realized that
WE are the superior power. Will YOUR people ever really be forgiven for
Pearl Harbor? I HOPE NOT.
Reply0
JUSTTHINKING258 days ago
Should the U.S. ask that any memorials in Hiroshima, or Nagaski be
removed? Tough. War is hell, and we shouldn't sugar-coat history.
Reply0
DEBRET260 days ago
The Japanese mentality of "denial" is incredible. Not just
what "TANTSTAAFL commented but what I can tell you first-hand: Back
in the early-late 1980s, I worked for a Japanese firm "Mitsui &
Co (USA) INc." in the Pan Am building, now know as the MetLife
Building. Overwhelmingly, the Japanese business men would insist (as
many, if not most, went to the prostitutes on a regular basis at the
private Japanese clubs) that a Japanese man could not get AIDS because
of their "pure blood". Incredible...... and there was no
reasoning with them, no matter how much scientific proof I provided them
with how unprotected, anonymous and multiple-sex partners increased your
chance of contracting AIDS.
Reply0
TANSTAAFL260 days ago
The correct place is in Tokyo but then again, Japan wants NO memory of
its responsibility for WW 2. They did nothing wrong, the Rape of Nanking
never occurred. What Bataan Death March? 70 years later and they still
see nothing wrong with what they did. Shows just how far you can go by
just denying the truth.

Tuesday, January 22, 2013

‘Comfort Women’ Controversy Comes to New York By FRANKIE EDOZIEN

http://rendezvous.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/05/10/comfort-women-controversy-comes-to-new-york/

MAY 10, 2012, 10:41 PM 26 Comments
‘Comfort Women’ Controversy Comes to New York
By FRANKIE EDOZIEN
Editors' Note Appended



人面獣心
”無様な日本”

human face, Beast heart
"awkward" Japan


Kim Hong-Ji/Reuters
The 1,000th weekly anti-Japan rally held by former comfort women and their advocates in front of the Japanese embassy in Seoul on Dec. 14, 2011.
NEW YORK — Every Wednesday since January 1992, protestors have held a demonstration outside the Japanese embassy in Seoul demanding an official apology and compensation from the Japanese government for women held in soldier brothels during World War II.

Now, a New York lawmaker’s proposal to memorialize the plight of the women, often called sex slaves, through a monument and a street in a largely Asian neighborhood of New York City, has brought the passions here.

The legislator, Peter A. Koo, a Hong Kong immigrant, and 50 other lawmakers on the New York City Council have been flooded with letters from angry Japanese from around the world.

Renaming a street is one of the ultimate municipal honors in New York and while largely a symbolic gesture, it has been known to cause tumult, anger and anguish from time to time.

Historians have said the “comfort women” were largely Korean and Chinese women and while Japan has apologized for any mistreatment the women suffered, it has denied that women were forced to act as prostitutes or sex slaves.

One Japanese opponent of the proposed New York monument wrote in a letter dated April 29, 2012, “the term ‘comfort women’ refers simply to prostitutes in wartime. But Koreans have been promoting a false version of history that Japan abducted hundreds of thousands of Korean women ….This is for practical and logical reasons, a fictitious version of history.”

The letter writers contend that Mr. Koo is smearing the Japanese in order to appeal to Korean New Yorkers, whose votes he needs to return him to another term in City Hall.

Mr. Koo, a wealthy businessman who owns several pharmacies, remains undeterred. He is asking constituents to present him with options for which street in Flushing to rename and where exactly the monument should be placed.

He told Rendezvous through his chief of staff, James McClelland, that he will “continue to meet with community leaders and discuss this issue further. Together we are committed to finding a fitting and respectful way to remember these women.”

New York City would not be the only place in the United States to install a monument honoring the women. The first city to do so was a small New Jersey town with a majority-Korean population. That monument was erected in Palisades Park, New Jersey, a suburb of New York City, in 2010.

In December, two Korean women who said they were forced into prostitution by Japan visited the monument. The Record, a local newspaper, quoted Yongsoo Lee, then-83, as saying, “The Japanese government is waiting for us to die, one by one, because all the victims are so old and there aren’t many victims in Korea.”

“They call us ‘comfort women,’ but the term ‘comfort women’ is such a bad word. I’m not a ‘comfort woman.’ I am Yongsoo Lee. ‘Comfort women’ is a term that the Japanese government gave us, and they say that we voluntarily became comfort women to make money … and that’s not true.”
This week, The Record reported, “four officials from Japan’s Liberal Democratic Par­ty claimed that there is no proof sex slaves existed and asked for the mon­ument’s removal, saying it portrayed historical inaccuracies, Palisades Park Mayor James Rotundo said.”

Japanese officials offered to fund youth programs, donate books on Japanese culture to the Palisades Park library, and plant cherry trees in the town, if the monument were removed, the paper reported. It also reported that Japanese officials denied making any such offer — a denial that Fumio Iwai, the Japanese deputy consul general in New York, repeated in a letter to the International Herald Tribune dated June 29, 2012.

According to The Record’s story, the Korean women’s trip last year to Palisades Park was sponsored by the Korean American Voters’ Council, “a non-profit with offices in Hackensack and Flushing, N.Y.”

The Flushing neighborhood where the latest monument is proposed has been welcoming the world to New York since the World Fair was held there in 1965. The America grand slam tennis event, the U.S. Open is also held in Flushing Meadow.


A letter sent to New York City Councilman Vincent Ignizio.
Editors' Note: July 6, 2012

This post has been updated to reflect the fact that The Record, the New Jersey newspaper that reported that Japanese officials offered to "fund youth programs, donate books on Japanese culture to the Palisades Park library, and plant cherry trees in the town, if the monument were removed," also reported at the time that Japanese officials denied making any such offer.



'Comfort Women' Memorial Set Up in New York State

http://english.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2012/06/18/2012061800584.html

'Comfort Women' Memorial Set Up in New York State


The newly erected monument dedicated to the memory of Korean "comfort women" forced into sexual slavery during World War II at the Veterans Memorial at Eisenhower Park in Westbury, New York /Courtesy of the Korean American Public Affairs Committee
A monument dedicated to the memory of Korean "comfort women" forced into sexual slavery during World War II was set up Saturday at the Veterans Memorial at Eisenhower Park in Westbury, New York.

The red granite monument symbolizes the hardship and blood of the comfort women, the Korean American Public Affairs Committee announced. Nassau County, which manages the memorial park, will also be in charge of maintaining the monument.

This is the second memorial of its kind in the U.S. following one in Palisades Park, a borough with a large Korean American population in New Jersey, in October 2010.

Korean-American organizations had talked with Nassau County for two weeks to set up the monument. Construction was carried out in secret for fear of resistance from the Japanese.

The Japanese Consulate-General in New York has called for the removal of the New Jersey monument and Japanese lawmakers have blamed pro-North Korean organizations for setting it up.

Petitions were posted on the White House's "We the People" petition website on May 10, calling for removing the monument and not supporting "any international harassment related to this issue against the people of Japan." A total of 32,075 signatures had been gathered on as of last Saturday. The White House must give an official response to any petition with more than 25,000 signatures.

englishnews@chosun.com / Jun. 18, 2012 12:20 KST

japanese women make their aplogizes in Korea

http://toriton.blog2.fc2.com/blog-entry-1922.html

日本人女性40人が慰安婦問題を謝罪、
ソウル国会議事堂前で=韓国
サーチナ 2012年06月28日13時43分

ソウル市・汝矣島(ヨイド)の国会議事堂前で、
29日午前11時30分から
「歴史問題を克服し、
日韓の一体化を推進する有志の集い」
の日本人会員40人余りが、日本軍慰安婦問題への謝罪集会を
開くことが明らかとなった。
韓国の複数のメディアが報じた。

韓国メディアは、
「日本人女性が『従軍慰安婦問題を謝罪します』」と題し、
日本人が日本軍慰安婦問題について心から謝罪し、
韓日両国間の平和を模索するために集会を
持つ予定だと伝えた。

韓日一体化推進会議側は
「過去の日本帝国主義の時代に、日本が韓国の若い女性たちを
本人の自由意志ではなく、強制的に
『日本軍強制慰安婦』という名前で、
異国の地に連れて行き、悲惨な経験をさせたことに対し、
同じ女性として、日本人として心から謝罪する」
との集会の意図を説明した。

続いて
「直接このように謝罪をするのは、私たちが自らの
良心の声を無視することができなかったため。
小さなこだまが良心的な両国の国民の心を動かし、
さらに政治・国防だけでなく、
すべての指導者の心を動かし、
日韓両国の平和が訪れることを望む」と述べた。

また、中国が過去10年間で国防費を3倍以上増やしたことは、
アジアの危機的な状況を示しており、このような時こそ
韓国と日本の両国が政治・文化・国防的に、アジアの平和を
主導すべきだと強調した

関連記事
◎日本人の謝罪集会
"慰安婦問題謝罪しています"
マネートゥデー(韓国語)
http://news.naver.com/main/read.nhn?mode=LSD&mid=sec&sid1=104&oid=008&aid=0002865578

これらは、今後120日間集会と1人デモを使用して
持続的に活動して
韓国と日本両国の一体化に
力を入れていくという立場を明らかにした。
---------------------------------------------------
はいはい、統一教会の日本人妻さん達ですか?
以前も・・・

◎"日帝の蛮行
代わりにお詫び申し上げます"。
聯合ニュース(韓国語) 2005-03-01 19:15
http://news.naver.com/main/read.nhn?mode=LSD&mid=pho&sid1=102&oid=022&aid=0000083241




“うちのご先祖の過ちで
苦痛受けた皆さんに
心よりお詫びさせていただきます.”

日本島根県議の‘竹島の日’制定推進と在韓日本大使の
妄言など日本のすぎ去った事歪曲が続いている中に
日帝殖民統治で被害を被った韓国人に対して灰した
日本人女性たちが頭下げて謝る席が用意された.

韓国に婚入した日本人女性60人余りは韓服をきれいに着飾って
1000人余りの年寄りたちの前で上手ではない韓国語で
‘議政府市民たちに差し上げる文’
を朗読して懺悔の涙を流した.

1993年韓国に婚入した句度ダエコ(46)さんは
“韓国に婚入して分かるようになった日本の蛮行に
対して常に申し訳ない心だった”と
“日本人が居住しない独島をしきりに日本地だと
歪曲する日本の外交政策を理解することができない”
と言った.

この日行事に参加した日本人女性たちは2000年
ハンサラングフェという奉仕団体を構成,
老人ホームを回ってボランティアを広げている.

◎栄州日本婦人会
「独島が韓国領土であるのは明らか」
2005/03/29(火)
http://news19.2ch.net/test/read.cgi/news/1112079150/

◎「日帝時代に伐られた木、
苗木でお返しします」
聯合ニュース  2009/04/03
http://www.yonhapnews.co.kr/bulletin/2009/04/03/0200000000AKR20090403105600004.HTML
「日帝が伐っていった木を、苗木でお返しします。」 
国際結婚で結ばれた韓国人と日本人の夫婦が、
植樹祭の中で、日帝強占期に伐られた木の代わりとなる
苗木を植えて、話題に なっている。

主人公は、ソウル市内で喫茶店「サランバン」を経営する
日本人主婦のワタナベ・カオリさん (36)など、
ソウルや首都圏に居む韓日夫婦10組。

1998年夏に韓国を旅行した際に今のご主人に会った
カオリさんは、結局玄海灘を渡って韓国に定着し、
3年前からは他の韓日夫婦と3ヶ月に一度、
定期的に集まっている。

カオリさんが、今月5日の植樹祭の際に木を植えようと
他の夫婦への説得を始めたのは、
1ヶ月ほど前にご主人と交わした会話がきっかけだった。
日本留学時代に、一抱えもある大樹がとても羨ましかった
という夫の言葉に、
「どうして韓国にはそんな木が無いの?」とたずねたところ、
「日帝時代に日本人がすべて伐っていった」
という返事が返ってきたのだ。

カオリさんは3日、
「以前も義父が、幼い頃に松やにを器に集めると
日本人がすべて持っていったとか、その他にも
多くのものを奪われた、と話すのを聞いて、
心が痛かった」と語った。

カオリさんは、
「数十年が経った今、こうした借りを返すために
何ができるか悩んでいるうち、いま木を植えれば
20年後・30年後には大きく育つので、子供達の
未来を思いながら家族たちと一緒に木を植えようと
決心するようになった」と明らかにした。

先月28日の定期会合に参加した他の夫婦たちも全員賛成した
ことで、カオリさんなど韓日夫婦10組あまりは今月5日午前 11時ごろ、
ソウル市の峨嵯山入口に20本の松を植える予定だ。

*参考までに・・・李氏朝鮮時代の朝鮮の山


◎「わい曲教科書を修正せよ」
在韓日本人婦人会が声明
朝鮮日報(韓国語)2001.07.24 19:44
http://www.excite-webtl.jp/world/korean/web/?wb_url=http%3A%2F%2Fnews.chosun.com%2Fsvc%2Fcontent_view%2Fcontent_view.html%3Fcontid%3D2001072470343&wb_lp=KOJA&wb_dis=2&wb_chr=
日本の歴史教科書わい曲と関連、韓国に嫁にきた日本女性たちが
母国政府に歴史教科書再修正を促した。
世界平和女性連合忠北(チュンブク)報恩郡(ポウングン)
支部日本婦人会(会長村山ヒトミ・43)会員15人は24日午前
報恩郡(ポウングン)庁で記者会見を持って
日本の歴史教科書再修正を促す声明書を発表した。
(以下略)

趣味で謝罪をしている洗脳日本人妻達・・・
◎ 日本人妻団体
「拉致・監禁の恐怖で故郷に帰れない」
日韓両政府に解決促す~
記者会見前に日帝糺弾
http://toanewsplus.blog60.fc2.com/blog-entry-368.html

「日本の統一教会員拉致監禁による
韓国人権被害者対策委員会(対策委)」は24日、
韓国男性と結婚して家庭を持った日本妻らが拉致・監禁が
恐ろしくて故郷を訪問さえ出来ずにいるとし、
日本政府の事態解決と韓国政府の協力を促した。

対策委はこの日午後、忠南天安市並川面アウネ体育館で
大韓民国に居住する日本人妻500人余りが参加して記者会見を行い、
去る1966年統一教会の拉致が初めて発生してからの拉致監禁
被害に対して訴えた。

ハラ・サユリ忠南大田拉致監禁被害者会支部長は
菅直人日本総理に送る要請文を通じて
「子供が母方のお祖父さん、お祖母さんが見たいといっても
拉致監禁が子供らまで被害を与えるか心配で
日本に行けずにいる」として
「拉致監禁事件は単純な家族問題、宗教問題ではなく
憲法に保障された個人の人権を弾圧する問題」
と明らかにした。

日本で統一教会信者を対象にした拉致・監禁事態による被害者は
去る1966年初めて拉致事件が発生して以来、今まで4300人余りに
達するという。
この日の集会ではタナカ・ユキミさん(仮名) の拉致被害事例が
発表された。

この日の行事に先立ち日本人妻500人余りは
日本伝統衣装のキモノと韓国伝統衣装の韓服を着て
天安市並川面の柳寛順(ユ・グヮンスン)烈士追悼閣に参拝して
日帝強制支配期に対する謝罪と
日本慰安婦問題に対する
日本の責任と解決を促す行事を行った。

キムラ・ジュンコ大田忠南委員長は
「大田忠南(テジョンチュンナム)地域にも拉致監禁被害者が
約30人いて今でもその時の恐怖と後遺症から韓国生活が
困難になった方々も多く、韓国政府の協力をお願いする」として
「経過報告に先立ち、韓日合併100周年になる年をむかえて
日本強制占領期間に対して日本人として代わりに謝ります」
と明らかにした。

・韓国の経済紙「マネートゥデー」が掲載した画像


・「日本の統一教会員拉致監禁による
韓国人権被害者対策委員会(対策委)」抗議デモ 

★「韓国で統一協会の合同結婚式に参加後、
行方不明になった日本人女性6500人の
行方捜して」被害者家族が訴え
http://blog.livedoor.jp/news2chplus/archives/50663224.html

★統一協会(統一教会)の
『ボランティアサークル』が
武蔵野市の登録団体に!?
2010年9月10日金曜日
http://dailycult.blogspot.jp/2010/09/blog-post_10.html

★“日本統一教会”、
韓国の教祖夫妻への
毎年の上納金額が判明!
その他献金流用先も明らかに  
2012年6月1日金曜日
http://dailycult.blogspot.jp/2012/06/blog-post_01.html

★統一協会の集団結婚
日本人女性7000人 韓国に
農村部で困窮生活 
http://www.jcp.or.jp/akahata/aik10/2010-05-11/2010051114_01_1.html

いやはや・・・
カルト宗教の洗脳は、恐ろしいですね。

2005年には、統一教会の合同結婚式で韓国へ嫁いだ
日本人女性教師が『独島ケーキ』を作って韓国に謝罪・・・
なんでもこのオバサン、暇さえあれば
「日本の侵略行為や徴用・挺身隊問題」を謝罪している
らしいですよ。
http://blog.goo.ne.jp/pandiani/e/d1e3fcc4667635dcfad75ed437512ca6


"独島は韓国の地!
独島は韓国の地なのを認めます"だってさ・・・

★統一教会によるもう1つの「侵蝕」
http://specialnotes.blog77.fc2.com/blog-category-23.html


KOREAN STUDIES REVIEW,Reviewed by J. Michael Allen

http://koreaweb.ws/ks/ksr/ksr01-02.htm


Korean Studies
Internet Discussion List


KOREAN STUDIES REVIEW



Richard E. Kim, Lost Names: Scenes from a Korean Boyhood, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1998. 198 pages $12.95 (paper). ISBN: 0-520-21424-2.

Reviewed by J. Michael Allen
Brigham Young University - Hawaii


Most readers of this review have probably already read Richard Kim's Lost Names. Those who have not should do so at the first opportunity. The reissue of Lost Names will be particularly welcome news to two groups: anyone interested in the experience of Koreans living under Japanese rule, and any teacher looking for a non-academic book on the colonial period to assign to students studying Korean history. It is an engaging book, both because of Kim's easy style and because of the youthful perspective from which the story is told. Richard Kim shuns questions of whether the book is fictional or autobiographical, pointing out that while he wrote it as fiction, it has generally been regarded as an account of his own early years. It is as a result of this "happy predicament" (in Kim's words) that the book has both the realism of remembered experience and the imagination of a series of stories. Kim has stated elsewhere that "everything in the book actually happened" to him. (SeeEducation About Asia, Vol. 4, No. 2 [Fall 1999], p. 23.) Nevertheless, he maintains that because he arranged and interpreted events while writing the book, it is not strictly autobiographical. More important than questions about the book's genre, however, is the fact that it puts a human face on the colonial period that can easily be overlooked in more academic treatments.

Each chapter is a separate story, which means that a teacher using this book would not necessarily have to assign the entire thing. Taken together, however, they form a vivid picture not only of life under colonial rule but of family dynamics as well. The incidents cover the period from 1933 (when the storyteller/author was one year old) to liberation in 1945. "Crossing" tells the story of the family's departure, across the frozen Tumen River, from Korea to Manchuria, where the father has taken a job at a Christian school shortly after his release from prison. The setting sun, "plummeting down toward the frozen expanse of the northern Manchurian plain," seems symbolic of the ultimate demise of the Japanese empire, even in the first story, twelve years prior to Japan's defeat.

The father's prison term is referred to a number of times throughout the book, and while it is never clear exactly what his offense was, the manner in which it is mentioned makes it clear that it had something to do with the authorities' perception that he was acting against them. It also becomes clear over the course of the book, however, that the narrator's father has earned the respect not only of his fellow Koreans, but of many Japanese colonial officials as well.

The family returns to Korea after a few years in Manchuria. The remaining chapters of the book chronicle school activities (including humiliation and intimidation at the hands of other pupils as well as teachers), various kinds of mobilization ordered by colonial authorities (from the collecting of rubber balls for recycling to the building of a runway), and the efforts of a family (one that clearly has considerable local prestige) to cope with unwelcome colonial rule while trying to avoid an oppressive siege mentality at home. The title story comes from the requirement that, as subjects of the Japanese emperor, Koreans adopt Japanese names. The day when the boy's father takes him to the local police station in order to register their new names is clearly a painful one for the family. The occasion becomes a chance for the father to teach his son a lesson about both national shame and personal dignity. After the registration is over and the family has been officially renamed Iwamoto, the father, with tears in his eyes, tells his son: "Take a good look at all of this. . . . Remember it. Don't ever forget this day."

Kim suggests the range of reactions to Japanese rule-from cooperation to resistance-that we know of from other sources. There is a mysterious uncle in Manchuria, clearly part of an anti-Japanese resistance movement. One of the boy's teachers, who rescued him from a beating overseen by a Japanese teacher, joins this uncle, only to be captured and killed as a spy in Mongolia by Russian forces. On the other end of the scale, there are Koreans like the detective who interrogates the boy's father at the beginning of the narrative, someone the boy's mother describes as the foreigners' hound. But equally important (and perhaps more representative) are all the Koreans found between these two extremes. These Koreans are not as visibly represented in Kim's volume, but one always knows they are there. Similarly, Kim does not want to depict Japanese as easily pigeonholed, cardboard characters-even those who officially represent the Japanese state that has subjected Korea. He issues no blanket condemnations of Japan or Japanese. The group whose motivation and actions he wishes to analyze most is his own countrymen. In the 1999 interview referred to earlier, Kim declared that one of his missions in life was "to teach Koreans to accept responsibility for their lives, to stop blaming others, the Japanese, the Chinese. We lost it. . . . but many Koreans would like to think someone grabbed it . . . thinking this justifies hatred. I've often said that Koreans need a national psychotherapy session, a large couch. Why are we as we are, why is self-examination such a rare commodity in Korean life?" (Education About Asia, p. 25.) A "national psychotherapy session"? This is quite a call. But such a frank statement, it seems to me, suggests that Kim himself has done rather a lot of thinking about responsibility and history, and about just what else may have been "lost" along with Korean names.

The final chapter, "In the Making of History-Together," is powerfully evocative of the ambiguity both of liberation and of the liberated. The boy and his father have a conversation about what liberation means for them and for all of Korea. The boy has previously told his mother of his feelings of shame that liberation was not won by Koreans, but given to them. "It just dropped from the sky," he had complained. "Just like that. A present!" His father, who knows of this conversation, tries to explain not only what liberation means, but what he sees as the burden of successive generations of Koreans. "You are right. Our liberation is a gift, so to speak, and not something that we have fought for and won. That bothers me, too, son. And perhaps that's why most of us, the grown-ups, are confused and bewildered and feel at a loss." He then explains that his own father's generation was "ineffective and disorganized-not only aimless but also very stupid in many ways, although the royal dynasty had more to be blamed for than anyone else in the country. They let the country get kicked around and, finally, sold down the river, you might say. Then, they handed it over to my generation and said, 'Look, we are sorry about this, but there wasn't anything we could do to save the country.' Now, what could my generation do?" The generation that led Korea in 1910 could have prevented the loss of the country, the father argues, and could have put in place many needed reforms, but as Japanese rule became more and more entrenched after annexation, it was too late. For this generation, the burden was survival: "We could do very little, too, except, perhaps . . . to sustain our faith and remain strong in spirit, hoping, just hoping, that, someday, a day like today would come. Survival, yes, that's it. Survival. Stay alive. Raise families, our children, like you, for the future. Survival, son, that's what my generation accomplished, if that can be called an accomplishment."

But the torch also passes from the father's generation to the son's. Recognizing this, the father expresses his hope for the future: "I am only hoping that your generation will have enough will and strength to make sure the country will not make the same mistakes and repeat its shameful history. I only hope, son, that mere survival will not become the only goal of your generation's lives. There must be more in life than just that." This exchange epitomizes both the anguish behind the history of Korea's liberation, and the multiple possibilities for the future that liberation held. The post-liberation generation, as the concluding chapter's title suggests, must become masters of their future, making history rather than merely watching it happen, becoming the shapers of their destinies rather than pawns in others' power schemes. The book ends on that note, and on an optimistic determination on the part of the narrator to ensure that the future of Korea does indeed belong to Koreans.

Since its first publication in 1970, Lost Names has attracted a loyal following among teachers and students of Korea. This reissue will make it even more accessible. Perhaps it will also lead some readers in the direction of Kim's other books on Korea (The Martyred [1964]; The Innocent[1968]), helping to ensure that an eloquent voice continues to be heard.


Citation:
Allen, J. Michael 2001
Review of Richard E. Kim, Lost Names: Scenes from a Korean Boyhood (2000)
Korean Studies Review 2001, no. 2
Electronic file: http://koreaweb.ws/ks/ksr/ksr01-02.htm





http://koreaweb.ws/ks/ksr/ksrndx.htm


http://koreaweb.ws/ks/ksr/ksr02-07.htm


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John B. Duncan. The Origins of the Chosôn Dynasty. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2000. 395 pages. ISBN 0-2959-7985-2.

Reviewed by J. Michael Allen
Brigham Young University - Hawaii
[This review first appeared in Acta Koreana, 5.1 (2002): 97-99. Acta Koreana is published by Academia Koreana of Keimyung University.]



Perhaps partly because we live in an age in which dynasties do not dominate the political landscape, a change in dynasty seems like it should be a momentous event with wide-ranging effects. Indeed, so seductive is the dynastic-change paradigm that we still tend to divide up long histories into dynasty-sized chunks. Such divisions compartmentalize history into what appear to be more manageable portions. One of the effects of such compartmentalization is to emphasize discontinuities and apparent new starts, often at the expense of comparable attention to structures, ideas, and institutions that are resistant to changes in the surname of the ruling family.


It need not only be dynasties that have the powerful effect of attracting to themselves credit for fundamental changes that either did not happen at all, or happened over a much longer period of time than a simple change of government can account for. I remember as a graduate student being intrigued by Princeton historian (now emeritus) Arno Mayer's book The Persistence of the Old Regime: Europe to the Great War (New York: Pantheon, 1981). Mayer argued that the origins of World War I lay in the desire of Europe's old aristocrats and those aspiring to such status to maintain their position. He directly challenged the view that Europe's old aristocracy was a museum piece in the first two decades of the twentieth century, stripped of effective influence in favor of the bourgeoisie, the group assumed to have emerged by this time as the real actors in the European historical drama.


It was Mayer's work, rather than other studies of Korean history, that first came to mind when I took up John Duncan's important new book. Duncan argues persuasively that the fourteenth-century change from Koryô to Chosôn was not the wholesale replacement of an old aristocracy by a new group with new interests. Rather, he examines the Koryô-Chosôn transition in the context of centuries-long developments in governing structures going back at least to the beginning of the Koryô kingdom in the tenth century. It was the structures put in place in the early Koryô period that led to the development of the yangban aristocracy-a group whose interests were not only opposed to those of the hyangni local elite (from whose ranks many of the yangban originally sprang), but were increasingly at odds with royal authority as well. In this situation, the forces of reform represented by the powerful and ambitious Yi Sônggye were a magnet for the yangban not because the latter were revolutionaries, but because they hoped to protect the privileges to which their class had become accustomed.


Duncan argues that the institutions of Koryô rule were designed to accommodate the needs of the locally based hyangni, and to recognize the government's need for their cooperation in the absence of a tradition of strong central rule. The coalescing of the yangban as a new, centralized, bureaucratic elite changed everything, however. By the late fourteenth century, according to the author, "what was needed was a radical reshaping of the dynasty's institutions to reflect the reality of the central yangban's emergence as the dominant social group" (202). In other words, Duncan does not argue that there were no important sociopolitical changes across the Koryô-Chosôn expanse. The most important ones, however, occurred not at the time of, or following, the dynastic transition itself, but much earlier, as the institutions of power took shape after the founding of Koryô. It was only in the late fourteenth century, however, that serious thought was given to reshaping the state's institutional structure to reflect sociopolitical realities that had changed long before. As Duncan puts it, "a major feature of the Koryô-Chosôn transition was the continued domination of the central bureaucracy by the great yangban descent groups of the Koryô, making it very unlikely that revamped institutions represented the concerns of a new social class" (204). In other words, as the title of Mayer's book suggested, the founding of Chosôn represents in important ways the persistence of the old regime.


Chapter 1 of Duncan's history, "The Koryô Political System," draws on the work of S. N. Eisenstadt, among others, to describe the early Koryô political system and its limitations. Koryô's kings are shown to have been severely compromised in terms of their ability to wield the power of a centralizing state. The primary check on royal authority was a new hereditary group of land-owning high officials who dominated politics at the center. This group is described in more detail in Chapter 2, "Central Bureaucratic Aristocracy." Though the new bureaucratic aristocracy had its roots and its wealth in land outside the capital, over the course of the Koryô period their interests and identity lay more and more in the capital, and they increasingly defined themselves in terms of a history of office-holding rather than by reference to their earlier status as members of more localized elites. By the late Koryô period, this group's sense of itself had taken on the characteristics normally used to describe the yangban of the Chosôn period. "The use of the term yangban by late Koryô elites to refer to themselves as a discrete social entity appears to be a natural consequence of the great official descent groups' awareness that the source of their prestige lay in their history as central office-holders" (88-89). In Chapter 3, "The Yangban in the Change of Dynasties," Duncan examines in detail the continuities in the elites of the Koryô and Chosôn periods. This chapter is full of statistical analysis and contains the majority of the book's twenty-six tables illustrating the connections between descent and central office holding.


Chapter 4, "Institutional Crisis in the Late Koryô," discusses developments in the second half of the Koryô period that are crucial for understanding the author's contention about the timing and nature of the sociopolitical changes preceding the fourteenth-century dynastic transition. Just at the time when royal power was severely compromised due to military and Mongol domination, the yangban moved into a stronger position in the central bureaucracy. The problem for these yangban was that the Koryô political system was designed to meet the needs of local elites who had become accustomed to exercising influence and controlling resources in a state that was not strongly centralized. As described in Chapter 5, "Reform and Dynastic Change," it was largely in order to resolve these contradictions that the central yangban supported early Chosôn reforms. This led to important areas of royal-yangban common interest, particularly in reforms designed to reduce the power of local elites. In Chapter 6, "The Ideology of Reform," Duncan takes up the question of the role of "a new and vigorous Confucian discourse," based on Chinese Ch'eng-Chu Learning (he shuns the term "Neo-Confucianism) in the Koryô-Chosôn transition. Having already made the case that there was no new group of scholar-officials that rose to prominence only with the advent of the new dynasty, he now challenges the view that Ch'eng-Chu Learning was the "class ideology" of any such group. This is not to say that Ch'eng-Chu Learning was unimportant in the early Chosôn period, or that it was used only cynically to buttress a new dynasty. Interest in a revitalized Confucianism dates to the time of the Mongol Yuan dynasty and its influence on Koryô, but it always had to find accommodation with a Korean "Ancient Style" intellectual tradition. Indeed, the set of ideas that Duncan sees motivating and justifying political reform in the first half of the Chosôn period is a hybrid of Ancient Style and Ch'eng-Chu. This appears to be another case in which the obvious (a dynastic transition) obscures the less obvious but perhaps more important (a mixing of intellectual traditions providing an ideological basis for reform).


In the concluding chapter Duncan steps back from the details to discuss how his findings relate to broader questions in Korean Studies and points to some themes of interest to those whose specialties lie outside of Korea. Here and throughout the book, Duncan very usefully compares his conclusions about Korean sociopolitical arrangements with what is known about China. He uses an impressive array of Korean primary sources as the foundation for his argument, which he augments with wide reading in relevant secondary material in Korean, Chinese, Japanese, and English.


The latest volume in the Korean Studies monograph series from the University of Washington's Jackson School of International Studies, under the general editorship of James B. Palais, this convincing and important contribution to our understanding of Korean history should also be of great value to scholars interested in comparative studies of social structures and political power.


Citation:
Allen, J. Michael 2002
Review of The Origins of the Chosôn Dynasty, by John Duncan (2000)
Korean Studies Review 2002, no. 7
Electronic file: http://koreaweb.ws/ks/ksr/ksr02-07.htm


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Syracuse University College of Law, J.D., cum laude, 1998, Syracuse Law Review, Syracuse Moot Court Board
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Michael J. Allan is a partner in the Washington and New York offices of Steptoe, where he is a member of the Intellectual Property and Litigation groups.

Mr. Allan’s practice involves the prosecution and defense of trademark, trade secret, copyright, unfair competition, false advertising and patent claims. He has successfully litigated numerous intellectual property and other complex commercial litigation cases on behalf of his clients in the manufacturing, pharmaceutical, entertainment, and financial services industries. He has appeared in federal district and appellate courts throughout the country, as well as in administrative proceedings at the International Trade Commission and the Trademark Trial and Appeal Board.

Mr. Allan’s recent victories include a June 2010 Federal Circuit Court of Appeals victory in which Mr. Allan obtained a complete reversal of a significant sanction award pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1927 on behalf of a New York City based law firm. In January, Mr. Allan obtained a summary judgment of $4 million for a British fashion house in a trademark infringement and breach of contract case. In October 2008, Mr. Allan secured $3.5 million judgment on behalf of a major French fashion house. In January 2008, Mr. Allan completed a successful trial in the Middle District of Alabama against Region University for infringement of the Regions mark of Regions Bank.

In addition, Mr. Allan is actively involved in counseling clients on intellectual property rights and enforcement strategies. Specifically, he has drafted and negotiated intellectual property agreements as well as counseled clients on due diligence reviews and intellectual property licensing and transfer agreements.

Mr. Allan also has extensive litigation and trial experience in a variety of disciplines and industries.

Representative Matters

A representative list of Mr. Allan's matters appear below:

Serves as lead counsel to several luxury brands on intellectual property enforcement and unfair competition matters;
Lead counsel to a large manufacturing company in a copyright infringement lawsuit;
Lead counsel to an Internet services company in a complex trade secret litigation;
Represents a major financial institution in connection with trademark, unfair competition and false advertising matters;
Represents a French pharmaceutical company in Hatch-Waxman patent litigation and related antitrust litigation;
Enforced a non-competition agreement against a former software executive;
Represented a major tobacco company in several trademark counterfeiting and infringement lawsuits;
Represented a large automobile insurance carrier in several trademark infringement and product disparagement cases nationwide;
Defended a US pharmaceutical company against alleged advertising violations by several state Attorneys General;
Defended a major US pharmaceutical company in a nationwide products liability class action lawsuit; and
Represented a niche pharmaceutical company in an international arbitration with US and Indian companies over a development and supply agreement dispute.
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AIPLA Annual Meeting, October 26, 2012
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Appellate Victory at the Federal Circuit
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Selected Publications

The Red Sole Survives – A Modified Louboutin Mark is Upheld By The Second Circuit
September 6, 2012
Rogue Websites and the ITC: New Proposed Anti-Piracy Legislation
December 16, 2011
Cybersquatting Update: New Protections for Brand Owners
March 17, 2011
Intellectual Property Advisory - Does eBay Need a Disclaimer? Tiffany v. eBay, The Second Circuit Rules
April 5, 2010


http://www.history.northwestern.edu/people/documents/cvAllen.pdf


Michael J. Allen
Northwestern UniversityDepartment of History1881 Sheridan RoadEvanston, IL 60208m-allen1@northwestern.edu
EMPLOYMENT

NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY, Evanston, IL Associate Professor of 20th-century US history, 2011-Assistant Professor of 20th-century US history, 2008-11
NORTH CAROLINA STATE UNIVERSITY, Raleigh, NC Assistant Professor of 20th-century US history, 2003-08

EDUCATION
NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY, Evanston, IL
Degrees: Ph.D., 2003; M.A., 1998
Dissertation: "The War's Not Over Until the Last Man Comes Home": Body Recovery And The Vietnam War
Dissertation Committee: Michael Sherry (chair), Nancy MacLean, Laura Hein
Master's Thesis: "Seeketh That Which is Gone Astray": Finding the Meaning of Prisoner of War Defection Following the Korean War
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, Chicago, IL
Degree: B.A. in History with honors, 1996
Honors Thesis: From Normal to Neurotic: Psychoneurotic World War II Veterans and the Roots of Postwar Anxiety

PUBLICATIONS
BOOKSThe Confidence of Crisis: Confronting the Imperial Presidency, 1968-1992, book project in progress.
Until the Last Man Comes Home: POWs, MIAs, and the Unending Vietnam War, University of North Carolina Press, 2009.
RESEARCH ARTICLES
"'The Least We Can Do': Child Rescue and National Redress at the End of the Vietnam War," article manuscript in progress.
"'Help Us Tell the Truth About Vietnam': POW/MIA Politics and the End of the American War," in Making Sense of the Vietnam Wars: Local, National, and Transnational Perspectives, edited by Mark Philip Bradley and Marilyn B. Young, 251-75, Oxford University Press, 2008.
REVIEW ARTICLES Review of Foreign Relations of the United States: 1969-1976, Volume VII: Vietnam, July 1970-January 1972, in Passport, forthcoming January 2013.
"The Limits and Fears of Flesh and Blood," Reviews in American History, Vol. 37, no. 3 (Sept. 2010): 539-47.
Author's Response to reviews of Michael J. Allen, Until The Last Man Comes Home: POWs, MIAs, and the Unending Vietnam War, in H-Diplo Roundtable Reviews, Vol. 11, no. 50 (Sept. 2010): 24-30.
Review of Edwin Martini, Invisible Enemies: The American War on Vietnam, 1975-2000, in H-Diplo Roundtable Reviews, Vol. 9, no. 12 (June 2008): 6-12.
SHORT REVIEWS AND OTHER WRITING Introduction to H-Diplo Roundtable for Meredith Lair, Armed With Abundance: Consumerism and Soldiering in the Vietnam War for H-Diplo Roundtable Reviews, forthcoming 2012.
Review of Jerry Lembcke, Hanoi Jane: War, Sex, & Fantasies of Betrayal for Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 81, no. 1 (February 2012): 145-46.
Review of Scott Laderman, Tours of Vietnam: War, Travel Guides, and Memory, for Journal of American History, Vol. 96, no. 4 (March 2010): 1248-49.
"The Disposition of the War Dead," 2,000-word entry for Encyclopedia of Military Science, Sage Publications, forthcoming 2012.
"Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission," Encyclopedia of Prisoners of War and Internment, Jonathan
F. Vance, ed., ABC-CLIO, 2000, 204-05.
"Liberation," co-authored with Jonathan F. Vance, Encyclopedia of Prisoners of War and Internment, Jonathan F. Vance, ed., ABC-CLIO, 2000, 169-73.
"'Stolen Honor' Skews Its View of Vietnam," Raleigh News & Observer, October 27, 2004, 19A.
HONORS, FELLOWSHIPS, AWARDS
PROFESSIONAL Friends of the Princeton University Library Research Grant, 2011 Gerald R. Ford Foundation Research Grant, 2010 CHASS Scholarly Project Award, North Carolina State University, 2006
Allen curriculum vitae, 2012
GRADUATE Dissertation Year Fellowship, Northwestern University, 2002-03 Kaplan Center for the Humanities Graduate Teaching Fellow, Northwestern University, 2001-02 The Dirksen Congressional Center Research Award, 2001 Gerald R. Ford Foundation Research Grant, 2000 Graduate Research Grant, Northwestern University, 2000
UNDERGRADUATE General Honors in The College, The University of Chicago, 1996 Honors in the History Concentration, The University of Chicago, 1996 Richter Grant for Summer Research, The University of Chicago, 1996 Marshall Wais Scholarship, The University of Chicago, 1994-95

PRESENTATIONS
PAPERS
"The Imperial Presidency and Its Critics: The Domestic Politics of American Empire," Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations Annual Meeting, Storrs, CT (forthcoming 2012)
"The Rise and Fall of Congressional Antiwar Activism," Organization of American Historians Annual Meeting, Milwaukee, WI (forthcoming 2012)
"'The Least We Can Do': Child Abandonment and Rescue at the End of the Vietnam War," American Studies Association Annual Meeting, San Antonio, TX, 2010
"The Missing, In Action: Accounting for the Missing Dead in U.S.-Vietnam Relations, 1973-2001," Keynote Address, Interdisciplinary Graduate Student Conference on Peace and War, Institute for the Humanities, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL, 2010
"The Missing, In Action: Accounting for the Missing Dead in U.S.-Vietnam Relations, 1973-2001," Buffett Center for International and Comparative Studies, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, 2009
"Fostering Interdisciplinary Learning and Teaching Across the University: A Top-Down Approach for a Bottom-Up Solution," Council on Undergraduate Education Interdisciplinarity in General Education Symposium, North Carolina State University, Raleigh, NC, 2008
"The Domestication of War," American Historical Association Annual Meeting, Washington, DC, 2008
"'Help Us Tell the Truth about Vietnam': POW/MIA Politics and the End of the American War," Making Sense of the Vietnam Wars Conference, University of Kentucky, Lexington KY, 2007
"Artifacts of Loss: Lost Bodies and Lost Wars in American Mourning," American Studies Association Annual Meeting, Washington, DC, 2005
"Flip-Flop: John Kerry And Public Memory Of The Vietnam War," Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations Annual Meeting, College Park, MD, 2005
"'Once We Met As Adversaries; Today We Work As Partners': Body Recovery in U.S.-Vietnam Relations, 1973-2000," Organization of American Historians Annual Meeting, San Jose, CA, 2005
"The Never-Ending Search: The Memorial Politics of Body Recovery After the Vietnam War," American Historical Association Annual Meeting, Washington, DC, 2004
"Leave No Man Behind: Body Recovery as Casualty Aversion After the Vietnam War," Triangle Institute for Security Studies New Faces Conference, Duke University, Durham, NC, 2003
"Naming the Unknown: The Privatization of Memory After the Vietnam War," Society of Military History Annual Meeting, Madison, WI, 2002
"'The Problem Defies Satisfactory Solution': Seeking the Meaning of Korean War POW Defections," History: Military and Society VI conference, Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, 1999
"'The Problem Defies Satisfactory Solution': Korean War POWs as Symbols of Cold War America," Popular Culture Association Annual Meeting, San Diego, CA, 1999
COMMENTS AND CHAIRS
Chair for panel "Aftermath of War: The Politicization of Family, Society, and Soldiers' Experiences During and After the Korean War," Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations Annual Meeting, Alexandria, VA, 2011
Comment for panel "Obligation and Coercion in Twentieth Century America: Gender and the Wartime State," Society for Military History Annual Meeting, Lisle, IL, 2011
Comment for paper "American Expatriates and the WRI Campaign Against the Vietnam War" by Joshua D. Cochran, New Approaches to America and the World, University of Chicago-Northwestern University Graduate Student Conference, Chicago, IL, 2011
Comment for panel "Kennedy's Headaches," Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations Annual Meeting, Madison, WI, 2010
Comment for panel "Causes and Effects; Representing Soldiering in the Era of the All-Volunteer Military," Society for Military History Annual Meeting, Lexington, VA, 2010
Comment for panel "Moxie and Might in a Changing Military," Fourth Annual North Carolina Graduate Student History Conference, Raleigh, NC, 2008
Co-comment for panel "Horses and Horse Power: Sports Culture Through History," Third Annual North Carolina Graduate Student History Conference, Raleigh, NC, 2007
Comment for paper "Overcoming the Division: The Korean War Monument and the Politics of Peace" by Sheila Miyoshi Jager, Triangle East Asia Colloquium, Durham, NC, 2006
Comment for panel "Food and Film: Popular Culture in Twentieth Century America," First Annual North Carolina Graduate Student History Conference, Raleigh, NC, 2005
INFORMAL TALKS AND INTERVIEWS "What's the Matter with Congress," Casino Club Monday Lecture Series, Chicago, IL, 2011
"Inside, Outside, Upside Down: Researching the Politics of War," Alumnae of Northwestern University Continuing Education Program, Evanston, IL, 2011
"Go Public: A Glimpse Into The Complexities of POW/MIA Politics," Wisconsin Veterans Museum, Madison, WI, 2009
Discussant for TimeLine Theater's production of Arthur Miller's All My Sons, Sunday Scholars Series, 2009
"Back to the Beginning: U.S.-Vietnam Relations Since 1973," Vietnamese Interacting as One conference (VIA-1), Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, 2009
"Prisoners of the Vietnam War: Who They Were, Why We Cared," Raleigh Public Library series on The Sixties, Raleigh, NC, 2006
"Bringing the Bodies Home," Chronicle of Higher Education, 17 May 2002, B4.
Interviews on WILL AM580; WUSB 90.1FM; KERA 90.1FM; POW/MIA radio; Talking History internet radio.
Informal presentations to New Trier High School (2011); Sigma Chi Fraternity (2011); Willard
Residential College (2011); Public Affairs Residential College (2011, 2010); Slivka Residential
College (2010).
Member of Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations Nominating Committee, 2011-Member of the Richard W. Leopold Lectureship Committee, 2011-Member of the Advisory Council for the Nicholas D. Chabraja Center for Historical Studies, 2011-Member of Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations Graduate Student and Grants
Committee, 2009-Co-Organizer of Global America, a year-long collaboration between Northwestern University and the University of Chicago on new approaches to America and the world, 2010-11 Referee for the National Endowment for the Humanities Division of Preservation and Access Humanities Collections and Reference Resources Grants, 2010 Consultant to Chicago Public Radio production "After the Wars: Stories and Images of America's Veterans," 2010 Co-Organizer of the Triangle History of the Military, War, and Society Seminar Series, co-sponsored by Duke University, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and North Carolina State University, Durham, NC, 2006-08 Manuscript reviewer for University of Wisconsin Press and Pacific Historical Review

TEACHING AND ADVISING
COURSES
American Studies 301-2: "Global 1968 and Its Afterlives," Undergraduate seminar, Northwestern University (Winter 2012)
History 102-6-22: "Consumerism and Social Change in 'Mad Men' America, 1960-63," Freshman seminar, Northwestern University (Fall 2010)
History 102-6-22: "Ronald Reagan and the Rise of the Political Right," Freshman seminar, Northwestern University (Winter 2009)
History 210-2: "History of the United States: Reconstruction to the Present," Undergraduate lecture, Northwestern University (Spring 2012, Winter 2011)
History 252: "Modern American History," Undergraduate lecture, North Carolina State University (Summer 2008, Spring 2008, Fall 2006, Spring 2006, Fall 2005, Summer 2005, Spring 2005, Fall 2004, Spring 2004, Fall 2003)
History 300-01/02: "Sophomore Seminar on Historical Research and Writing," Undergraduate seminar, North Carolina State University (Fall 2007)
History 315-3: "The United States: Late 20th-century to Present," Undergraduate lecture, Northwestern University (Winter 2011, Winter 2010)
History 321-0: "The Vietnam Wars," Undergraduate lecture, Northwestern University (Winter 2012, Spring 2010)
History 391-0-23: "Lectures in History: The Vietnam Wars," Undergraduate lecture, Northwestern University (Winter 2009)
History 392-26: "Ronald Reagan and the Rewriting of American History," Undergraduate seminar, Northwestern University (Summer 2002)
History 392/395: "The War Dead in American Life," Undergraduate topical seminar/undergraduate research seminar, Northwestern University, (Fall 2010)
History 395-29: "The Sixties as History," Undergraduate research seminar, Northwestern University (Winter 2000)
History 410-3: "General Field Seminar: Twentieth-Century United States," Graduate seminar, Northwestern University (Spring 2012, Fall 2008)
History 451/551: "The Vietnam Wars," Undergraduate and graduate seminar, North Carolina State University (Fall 2006, Spring 2006)
History 452/552: "Recent America," Undergraduate and graduate seminar, North Carolina State University (Fall 2007, Fall 2005, Fall 2004, Fall 2003)
History 491C/599: "The Vietnam Wars," Undergraduate and graduate seminar, North Carolina State University (Spring 2005, Spring 2004)
History 492-23: "Cultural Encounters of American Empire," Graduate seminar, Northwestern University (Winter 2010)
History 563: "History and Memory," Graduate seminar, North Carolina State University (Spring 2008)
Humanities 391-1,2,3: "Media on the American Landscape," Undergraduate interdisciplinary seminar and lecture series, Northwestern University (Fall 2001-Spring 2002)
CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT History 321-0: "The Vietnam Wars," Northwestern University, created 2009 History 563: "History and Memory," North Carolina State University, created 2006 History 451/551: "The Vietnam War," North Carolina State University, created 2006
ADVISEES AND INDEPENDENT STUDIES Nora Gannon, American Studies 390, Northwestern University, 2011-Zachary Ratner, American Studies 390, Northwestern University, 2011-Matt June, History 570/580, Northwestern University, 2010-Ashley Johnson, History 570/580/ABD, Northwestern University, 2009-Wen-Qing Ngoei, History 570/580/ABD, Northwestern University, 2009-Rory O'Byrne, WCAS Summer Research Grant, Northwestern University, 2011 Nathan Enfield, Leopold Fellow, Northwestern University 2011-Sarah Schutt, Leopold Fellow, Northwestern University, 2010-11 Craig Spencer, Leopold Fellow, Northwestern University, 2009-10 Jillian Foley, History 398-1,2,3, Northwestern University, 2009-10 Andrew Bank, Undergraduate Summer Research Grant, Northwestern University, 2009
DISSERTATION COMMITTEES Alex Hobson, Northwestern University, 2011-Laila Ballout, Northwestern University, 2011-Takaaki Daitoku, Northwestern University, 2010-Theresa Keeley, Northwestern University, 2010-Rebecca Marchiel, Northwestern University, 2010-Zachary Jacobson, Northwestern University, 2009-Andrew Warne, Northwestern University, 2008
OTHER ADVISING Afternoon Advising, Northwestern University, 2008-11 PARC Residential Fellow, Northwestern University, 2009-History Club Adviser, North Carolina State University, 2004-06 American Historical Association Organization of American Historians Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations American Studies Association Society for Military History
Assistant editor, Northwestern University Press (2000)Archival internship, Chicago Historical Society (1995)Archival internship, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library (1994)


Yuki Tanaka Japan's Comfort Women: reviewed by Narrelle Morris


http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue9/morris_review.html
Intersections: Gender, History and Culture in the Asian Context
Issue 9, August 2003


Yuki Tanaka

Japan's Comfort Women:
Sexual Slavery and Prostitution During World War II and the US Occupation

London and New York: Routledge, 2002
foreword by Susan Brownmiller, figures, tables, plates;
ISBN: 0-415-19401-6 (paper), xx + 212 pages.

reviewed by Narrelle Morris


There are many images that linger in the mind after reading this new volume from scholar Toshiyuki Tanaka on the euphemistically titled 'comfort' women, the estimated eighty thousand to one hundred thousand (p. 31) Japanese, Korean, Chinese and other Asian and European women who fell victim to organised sexual violence by the Japanese military during World War II.[1] Like other works in this area, Tanaka employs a discursive framework that seeks to emphasise that the crimes committed against the 'comfort' women constituted not only the deliberate objectification and victimisation of women but were a crime against humanity. Tanaka begins his volume with an extract from the autobiography of Maria Rosa Henson, a Filipina former 'comfort' woman, who helped bring the 'comfort' women issue to light in the early 1990s:

Twelve soldiers raped me in quick succession, after which I was given half an hour rest. Then twelve more soldiers followed. ... I bled so much and was in such pain, I could not even stand up. ... I felt much pain, and my vagina was swollen. ... Every day, from two in the afternoon to ten in the evening, the soldiers lined up outside my room and the rooms of the six other women there. I did not even have time to wash after each assault. At the end of the day, I just closed my eyes and cried (p. 1).
One of the achievements of this volume is that it successfully personalises some of the 'comfort' women. It exhaustively details the inhumane process by which they were 'recruited' or forced into what amounted to sexual slavery and the degrading day-to-day treatment meted out to them by recruiters, managers and soldiers if the women refused to 'comfort' soldiers, became pregnant or were ill. Even more significantly, this volume attempts to establish the figures that helped to implement the 'comfort' women system, including senior Japanese military officers, Ministry of War bureaucrats, brothel owners and their recruiters and medical staff.

In the early chapters of this volume Tanaka carefully documents the historical process that resulted in the establishment of ianjo [comfort stations] as military general policy during World War II, including extensive collaboration between the arms of the Japanese military, government ministries and the prostitution industry in Japan and Japanese-controlled Korea. As Tanaka shows, while at first the women recruited for ianjo were professional Japanese prostitutes and impoverished Japanese and Korean women, soon local women in China and elsewhere were 'recruited', often forcibly. The methods employed by civilian recruiters included 'deception, intimidation, violence, and, in extreme cases, even kidnapping' (p. 23). In Shanghai, even as early as 1932, the existence of ianjo were given various rationales, including the need to maintain military discipline by reducing the likelihood of the rape of civilians. Lieutenant-General Okabe Naozaburô, a senior officer in Shanghai, for example, wrote in his diary that the 'establishment of appropriate facilities must be accepted as a good cause and should be promoted ... [i]n consideration of our soldiers' sexual problems' (p. 10). Others reported on the urgent need to control the spread of venereal disease amongst soldiers, which was rife. Instances of infection had reached a rate of 30 per cent in one brigade of the Kwantung Army in north-east China by 1933 (p. 11). Tanaka argues convincingly that the existence of ianjo and the methods used to 'recruit' women for them were sanctioned and promoted by the Japanese Ministry of War. A document published by the Ministry of War for distribution to all army units in 1940, for example, reads:

In particular, the psychological effects that the soldiers receive at comfort stations are most immediate and profound, and therefore it is believed that the enhancement of troop morale, maintenance of discipline, and prevention of crimes and VD are dependent on successful supervision of these [comfort stations] (p. 24).
While the ianjo may have been successful at providing soldiers with psychologically-beneficial leisure, Tanaka concludes that, as a means of preventing rape and the spread of venereal disease, the 'comfort' women system was ineffective. This fact, Tanaka notes, was realised at the time. General Okumura Yasuji, for example, had been the Deputy Chief of Staff of the Shanghai Expeditionary Army and had ordered the establishment of the first ianjo in Shanghai in 1932, of which Lieutenant-General Okabe Naozaburô had approved. Reflecting on the Japanese invasion of Wuhan in 1938, however, Okumura admitted that instances of 'random sexual violence' had occurred despite the fact that soldiers had 'comfort' women available to them (p. 28). Furthermore, while the 'comfort' women were regularly examined for venereal disease, it was quite difficult for both military authorities and the women alike to persuade soldiers to use the prophylactics and disinfectants that they were provided with to avoid infection. Indeed, soldiers were effectively discouraged from reporting venereal infections to medical officers by the existence of a punitive sanction for the condition, namely demotion by two ranks. That ianjo continued to proliferate throughout World War II is a sad indictment of the andocentric ideology of the Japanese leadership of the time; a leadership which encouraged and facilitated the forced sexual abuse of thousands of predominantly non-Japanese women on the one hand and instructed Japanese women to be chaste and modest on the other.

An important part of the ‘comfort’ women discourse, Tanaka argues, is the effort that has been made over decades by successive Japanese governments to suppress the stories of the ‘comfort’ women, an effort which has been supported in the post-war period by the silence of the Allied nations. Few would dispute that this has been the case. Relevant documentation is difficult to obtain, Tanaka explains, due to the enduring classification of official Japanese military and ministerial documents from the period, as well as the fact that Japan has no freedom of information legislation to enable researchers to gain access. Other researchers have also pointed to right-wing efforts in Japan to ‘silence’ the ‘comfort’ women issue in Japanese historiography.[2] The noted Australian historian Gavan McCormack characterises the emergence of the ‘comfort’ women issue as a gender shift in the focus of war reflections, where ‘men politicians, soldiers, scholars have defined and debated the issues, from the early 1990s, and after fifty years of silence, women began to intervene’.[3] It is interesting to note McCormack’s description of these activities as ‘interventions’ to the discourse on war reflections. This apparently innocuous choice of term serves to underscore how many, both inside and outside of Japan have been disconcerted by the ‘comfort’ women issue. In the case of this volume, Tanaka attempts to distinguish himself from those who deny the existence of an institutionalised system of ‘comfort’ women outright or the culpability of the Japanese leadership of that period in creating and sustaining the system. Nevertheless, the reader is left with a few disconcerting impressions regarding Tanaka’s analysis of this complex issue.

The second half of the volume is devoted to explaining why the Allied Occupation failed to prosecute individuals for crimes against the 'comfort' women at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal), despite ample evidence of such crimes being available. Yet in a volume ostensibly based in law, there is a curious omission of nearly all legal discussion. Despite declaring the 'comfort' women system a 'crime against humanity on an unprecedented scale' (p. 84), Tanaka does not delve into the specifics of customary international law that, by implication, are raised in this declaration. There is no notice taken of how far the international regime of human rights has developed since World War II, rendering the use of terminology such as 'crimes against humanity' slightly anachronistic. He also does not explore some of the other legal options offered by other authors in this field as to the means by which the Allied nations could have prosecuted individuals for crimes against the 'comfort' women.[4] The Japanese lawyer Etsuro Totsuka has suggested, for example, that the treatment of the 'comfort' women amounted to a violation of the International Labor Organization Convention (No. 29) Concerning Forced Labor, specifically article 2 which prohibited the forced labour of women. The lack of legal discussion therefore makes this volume more a social exploration of why 'awareness of the comfort women issue as a serious war crime [was] clearing lacking in the minds of the leaders of the Allied forces' (p. 87).

Why did the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal hear mass evidence regarding the ill-treatment, rape and murder of Allied soldiers and civilians and fail to consider evidence of systemic crimes against 'comfort' women? One explanation, Tanaka suggests, is that as most of the 'comfort' women were 'Asian', rather than Western—the largest exception being Dutch women in the Dutch East Indies—the invisibility of the 'comfort' women provides further evidence supporting the 'absence of Asia' remarks often made about the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal, where both the aggrieved and those giving justice tended to be Western (p. 87). Yet Tanaka does not reconcile this argument with earlier discussion regarding the 'various testimonies presented at the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal regarding the Rape of Nanjing' (p. 29). He admits that details regarding the rape of Dutch civilian women in March 1942, for example, were raised at the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal but argues this was only to provide evidence that crimes had been committed against Allied civilians (pp. 61-3). A more concrete example of the fixation with Western victims, Tanaka suggests, can be seen in the proceedings of the Batavia War Crimes Tribunal, which was conducted by Dutch authorities in February 1948. In one case this tribunal tried twelve Japanese in relation to the forced prostitution of Dutch women held in internment camps in Semarang, Java in 1943 (p. 76). Although Tanaka does not make it clear, the basis of the Dutch prosecution seemed to be the Geneva Convention of 1929. While not a signatory to the convention, Japan had given a qualified promise to follow the Geneva rules in 1942, one of which prohibited forced prostitution of prisoners-of-war. Disappointingly, Tanaka does not pursue a line of inquiry as to whether Indo-Dutch, Indonesian, Filipino, or perhaps even Korean, 'comfort' women could have had a similar status to the Dutch as prisoners-of-war during this period. He merely notes that the Dutch authorities questioned Indonesian, Indo-Dutch and Chinese 'comfort' women about their experiences in the Japanese-occupied Dutch East Indies but that only two cases involving non-Dutch women were ever raised at the Batavia War Crimes Tribunal (pp. 78-9). While it might be expected that a separate Dutch war crimes inquiry would focus on Dutch women in this manner, Tanaka seems to imbue the Batavia War Crimes Tribunal with responsibility for a regional jurisdiction, to which it failed to respond adequately. It appears to Tanaka, therefore, that the victimisation of predominantly Asian 'comfort' women inevitably took second-place to other war crimes investigated and prosecuted by the Allies.

However, Tanaka's primary argument is that the Allied nations' own 'sexual ideology'—their treatment of non-Western women prior to the war, their practice and attempt to cover-up military-controlled prostitution during the war and their complicity in the establishment of a similar 'comfort' system for Allied personnel during the Occupation in Japan—is a telling factor in the lack of Allied prosecution (p. 87). Regarding the Dutch East Indies, for example, Tanaka argues that as the Dutch sexually exploited large numbers of Indonesian women while a colonial power in the region, it followed that the sexual abuse of Indonesian and Indo-Dutch women by the Japanese would probably not have been viewed by the Dutch as a serious crime (p. 82). During the war itself, Tanaka clarifies that the Allied 'sexual ideology' made it 'quite natural that [the Allies] were completely unable to discern the criminal nature of the comfort women system' (p. 109). As the Pulitzer Prize-winning historian of Japan, John Dower, notes in a short review printed on the back of the volume, this is a 'stunning and controversial' new direction of analysis.

Tanaka reserves the bulk of his investigation for the activities of the military forces of the United States, Britain and Australia. He presents new evidence obtained from the United States National Archives to show that the United States deliberated on many of the same issues as Japan's military regarding the control of venereal disease. To curb the spread of the disease, for example, one Inspector General of the United States War Department recommended the establishment of 'supervised houses ... as other countries have done' (p. 89). In the end, the War Department neither promoted nor encouraged this type of military brothel and, indeed, held the official policy of not permitting soldiers to visit prostitutes. However, in central Africa, the Middle East, India and the Caribbean some local commanders went against this policy and designated some houses of prostitution as 'safe' by testing the female inhabitants for venereal disease. In Liberia, for example, soldiers were told not to have relations with any woman in the 'women's villages' that did not bear an official tag verifying her non-infection (p. 92). In testament to this reality, Tanaka alleges that the War Department 'institutionally supported' organised prostitution by supplying prophylactic protection to soldiers—an officer of the United States Medical Corps, for example, estimated prophylactic requirements at four units per month per soldier, a budgetary expense of about US$34 million per year (pp. 88-9). Australia, on the other hand, openly arranged military-controlled brothels in the Middle East, including selecting madams and conducting medical examinations on proposed women (p. 94). Drawing on an official Australian Army report on a newly-established Tripoli brothel, Tanaka comments that the description is 'strikingly similar to the situation of ianjo' (p. 97). While the women were professional prostitutes, he contends that it was still a breach of international law, although which which aspect of customary international law he does not make clear, that in at least one case a sixteen-year-old girl was approved and used as a prostitute by the Australian Army. Tanaka's overall argument in this section is that the engagement of the Allied forces in prostitution was similar to the 'comfort' women system perpetrated by the Japanese and this weakened the Allied nations' ability to perceive any criminality in the 'comfort' women system.

To further make the connection between the Allied nations' 'sexual ideology' and the failure to consider the 'comfort' women system as a war crime, Tanaka raises the issue of sexual violence committed by soldiers of the Allied Occupation against Japanese women. He admits that there is no documentary evidence of 'mass rape by the Allied soldiers' but points to credible oral accounts by Japanese women of rape and assault during this period (p. 110). In one case, for example, Tanaka uses Japanese police intelligence reports from Kanagawa Prefecture to show that nearly every day from the beginning of the Occupation on 30 August 1945 to mid-September that year, cases of rape by Allied soldiers were reported (p. 117). Indeed, General R. L. Eichelberger, commander of the United States' 8th Army, noted in his diary that his very first meeting with General Douglas MacArthur in Japan was not about Japan's surrender but rather about 'rape by marines' (p. 123). Such atrocities were widely feared in Japan, not only by the populace which had been indoctrinated by wartime propaganda to believe that mass rape was a usual characteristic of the immoral 'barbarians', but also by political and bureaucratic leaders. Even before the Occupation began, a vastly similar 'comfort' women system was established in Japan for use by Allied soldiers, staffed by professional Japanese prostitutes and recruited 'volunteers' (p. 138). Tanaka attempts to show that the fact that the Allied nations' expected—if not required—that such a 'comfort' system would be provided for them made it politically expedient for the Allied nations not to prosecute the Japanese for the 'comfort' women system (p. 151).

In juxtaposing the 'sexual ideologies' of Japan and the Allied nations in this manner, Tanaka underscores that he is not attempting to 'mitigate or rationalize the crimes that Japanese men committed during the war by referring to similar or related crimes committed by the Allied soldiers immediately after the war' (p. 6). However, the reader of this volume cannot help but be left with the impression that Tanaka believes that the Allied nations' 'sexual ideology'—revealed through what he sees as a complicit endorsement of the 'comfort' women system because of the failure to prosecute—was as serious a 'crime against humanity' as the establishment of the 'comfort' women system in the first place. Some contradictions arise in this volume; one in particular suggests that the Allied nations, not Japan, bear the greater responsibility for sexual violence against women during this period. On the one hand, for example, Japanese soldiers had a 'personal choice' in relation to the exploitation of 'comfort' women and, Tanaka writes, 'in that sense, those Japanese men who chose to avail themselves of this facility undoubtedly bear personal responsibility for the crimes they directly committed' (p. 4). Yet in an interesting comparison of respective responsibilities, Tanaka notes that the:

Allied forces who participated in the Occupation, from the ordinary soldiers up to the staff of the PHW [Public Health and Welfare] Section of the GHQ and the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers himself, were all responsible for the tribulation that many Japanese women experienced (emphasis added, p. 165).
Certainly, the Allied nations bear a significant burden of unfulfilled responsibility regarding the issue of the 'comfort' women. At the end of the war, the United States in particular was in an unprecedented position to investigate and prosecute these serious offences against women; a position which it chose not to exploit. Yet even in the convoluted lexicon of contemporary international law, failure to prosecute is not quite on the scale of a crime against humanity reached by the organised sexual slavery of the 'comfort' women system. The Allied nations' endeavours to combat the spread of venereal disease, their support of the enticement of impoverished women into prostitution and the supervision of brothels for military use during the war and the Occupation, while morally reprehensible, cannot be accorded the same level of criminality as the 'comfort' women system. Tanaka's almost unequivocal equation of the two does a disservice to the complex question of why the Allied nations failed to prosecute the 'comfort' women system.

The equation of the Allied nations and Japan's sexual ideologies predisposes this volume to the impression that it is partially an apologia for the 'comfort' women system. To his credit, Tanaka makes it clear that while this volume began as a chapter on 'rape and war' in an earlier work,[5] he was approached to do further research on the subject of the 'comfort' women by Ômori Junrô, a director of the TV documentary section of NHK (Japan Broadcasting Commission) who was proposing a documentary film. The subject: why the 'US military authorities were not interested in prosecuting the Japanese who had been responsible for the sexual exploitation of vast numbers of so-called "comfort women," despite their clear knowledge of this matter' (p. xvii). However, one unfortunate remark about this commission, made in Tanaka's acknowledgements, colours the entirety of this volume. Tanaka describes how he undertook his first research trip to the United States in 1995 on this topic but 'could not find a single document that referred to comfort women'. He therefore came back to Australia, where he was based at the time, 'without any "Christmas present" for Mr Ômori' (p. xvii). The characterisation of documents explaining the legal disinterest of the Occupational authorities as a 'Christmas present' is not only insensitive given the subject matter of the volume but it raises questions about the agenda, if any, of Ômori Junrô and NHK in commissioning such research in the first place.

This is an interesting volume on this most delicate of subject matters. Yet, it should be read with some caution. Many of the photographs, for example, are not particularly well chosen or meaningful in terms of the volume's analysis. In a section on the recruitment of young Japanese girls into prostitution during the Occupation, for example, Tanaka includes a photograph of women working in a factory with the caption:

During the war many high-school students were mobilised as members of the Women's Volunteer Corps and worked in munitions factories. After the war, some of those students ended up as comfort women serving the Allied soldiers (p. 129).
However, a closer examination of this photograph reveals that the women are apparently working in a clothing factory, not with munitions. This photograph is one of a number of examples in the volume where the illustration appears almost incidental to the discussion. Two Japanese women 'walking in the street where Japanese soldiers are strolling' are identified as 'comfort' women 'somewhere in north China' (p. 9). It is not explained, however, why Tanaka or his Mainichi Shimbun source identify these women as 'comfort' women. Another photograph of a group of Taiwanese nurses leaving Taipei explains 'Some of them were exploited as comfort women' (p. 43). Yet in the text, a comment is made that of fifty identified Taiwanese 'comfort' women, only 'three were former nurses' (p. 44). These attempts at illustration add little to the discussion. Yet even if these minor failings are discounted, this volume remains a distinctly unmeasured analysis of the why the Allied nations failed to prosecute the 'comfort' women system. It does, however, pose some interesting questions to further researchers in this field.


Endnotes

[1] This figure is at the lower end of estimates usually given of the number of 'comfort' women. Keith Howard, for example, cites that the number of 'comfort' women was probably near two hundred thousand: Keith Howard, 'Introduction', in Keith Howard (ed), True Stories of the Comfort Women, London: Cassell, 1995, p. v.

[2] See discussion of these groups in Gavan McCormack, 'The Japanese Movement to "Correct" History', in Vera Mackie et al. (eds), Japanese Studies: Communities, Cultures, Critiques, Vol. 1: Re-mapping Japan, Clayton, Vic: Monash Asia Institute, 2000, pp. 103-18.

[3] McCormack, 'The Japanese Movement to "Correct" History', p. 103.

[4] Japan ratified this convention in 1932: Etsuko Totsuka, 'Military Sexual Slavery by Japan and Issues in Law', in Keith Howard (ed), True Stories of the Korean Comfort Women, London: Cassell, 1995, p. 196.

[5] Yuki Tanaka, Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II, Boulder: Westview Press, 1996.