The Women's Movement In Contemporary Korea
The Women's Movement In Contemporary Korea
(10-2, p. 34)
With Korean flags draped over their shoulders, Korean-American women pray for
their ancestral homeland's independence.
(10-2, p. 35) It is a well-known fact that women's status in Korea has been changing since liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945. The rapid changes in Korean society resulting from economic growth and modernization have been major factors in the changing status of Korean women. Women's participation in social activities has gained increasing recognition while the demands for the empowerment of women have grown. Furthermore, the advancement of women's status has become a focal issue in political, economic, and academic spheres, as greater opportunities for higher educational attainment and expanding social participation have become available for greater numbers of Korean women.
Specifically, the social movement, in which women have acted systematically and positively for achieving particular goals on behalf of themselves and other women, has played an important role in raising consciousness and improving women's status. However, while various attempts for improving women's status have been made, the central focus of these attempts, consciousness raising and education about women's issues, has made relatively poor progress. The ultimate aim of the women's movement is the development and strengthening of positive images of women through consciousness raising and the education of women as to their status and capabilities.
In this context, the role and activities of the Korean Women's Institute (KWI) at Ewha Womans University are crucial, for the KWI has initiated the opening of a Women's Studies course for the first time in Korea's history and has made continuous efforts to develop the course through various research projects and educational programs. This paper examines the role and activities of KWI in the mainstream of the women's movement in Korea today.
In the 1920s, women's activities included organizing women's groups such as the Aeguk puin-hoe (Korean Patriotic Women's Association) whose charter members are seen here.
Women's social participation has changed in conjunction with the national modernization and industrialization which have taken place in Korea since the 1960s. These changes are exemplified in many sectors of society, including family, law, politics, and economics.
The traditional family system of Korea was an extended family based on patriarchy. Under this rigid system, the norms of sex discrimination, son (10-2, p. 36) preference, and the dominance of men over women served to maintain discriminatory family relationships which were centered on male superiority.1 In recent decades, however, patterns of family life have been changing. One of the most distinct changes in the family structure is the nuclearization of the family. The ratio of two-generation families has increased from 63.9% in 1960 to 70.0% in 1970 and 69.5% in 1980, while that of three-generation families has decreased from 27.0% in 1960, to 22.1% in 1970, and 16.7% in 1980.2
The changes in family life can also be found in women's life cycles. As family planning and the use of contraception spread, the time spent for rearing and educating children was reduced.3 The birth rate decreased from 4.6 children per family in 1967 to 2.6 children in 1979. In the mid-1960's more than 60% of married women thought that four was the optimal number of children, while in 1981 only 2% wanted four children; 49% preferred to have two children, and 42% preferred to have three children.4
Industrialization provided the conditions under which the necessities of life and consumer goods could be produced in factories, which decreased the amount of domestic labor required of housewives. With the combined reductions in responsibility for childrearing and domestic labor, women became increasingly interested in social affairs. As a result, women's participation in social activities increased. However, increased social participation also led to an increased burden on women. As women were considered the primary source of domestic labor due to the patriarchal division of labor, increased participation in social affairs created a dual role for women in which they were now responsible not only for their homes and families, but for the demands and requirements of the various social activities in which they (10-2, p. 37) engaged as well.
One way of addressing this issue (the oppression of the "superwoman" syndrome) is to encourage fundamental changes in women's self-actualization both in and outside the home. An alternative strategy toward this end might be a "cooperative family community," in which members of the family would share domestic labor so that women could work outside the home. This strategy would allow changes and growth in women's consciousness of their gender roles while also creating conditions in which they could become more active in social affairs outside the home.
Legally and politically, women in Korea have equal rights with men according to the constitution enacted in 1948 following national independence. It must be noted that women's voting franchise was guaranteed under the constitution, and was not the result of a long struggle for suffrage as occurred in the United States and United Kingdom. On the other hand, it was not until the Civil Law regulated in 1960 came into effect that women's legal rights were truly secured in concrete terms. By this civil code, women's legal status was upgraded to allow individual freedom and full equality of the sexes. For instance, women were finally allowed to establish households separate from their parents, women could claim community property as independent property under their own names, and women could inherit their father's estates. With this code, many aspects of women's rights were supplemented and legally secured, and many legal rights which had long been suppressed came to be recognized to some extent. But even with the legal advances in this code, the clauses on family law retained the deep-rooted male-centered ideas based on the patriarchal family system. As a result, the ideology of sexual equality was not totally realized as stated in the constitution.
In 1973, "The Committee for Pan-National Family Law Amendment Movement" was organized to modify the inequalities in family law. As a result, hot debates between pro- and anti-revisionists on family law took place, and finally some slight modifications were passed in the National Assembly in 1977.5 But numerous unequal provisions still remained in the cases of the succession system of the head of the family, the adoption of a child by marriage, custody of children in cases of divorce or remarriage, laws regarding inheritance, laws regarding divorce, the prohibition of marriage between those who share the same surname and clan, and the discriminatory regulation of the scope of kinship between maternal and paternal lineages.
In the meantime, the labor laws reflected the spirit of the constitution and proclaimed that women laborers should not be treated unequally. In the standard labor law, there are various regulations to protect women, including the prohibition of harmful and dangerous labor, special paid monthly leaves for women, and maternity leaves. But, in fact, these provisions exist only nominally and are hardly ever observed.6
Members of Yosong-7ancbae Ibnhojrboe (Korean National Council of Women) aril of atot,~ the reform of laws regulating and affecting Korean families.
The amendment of the civil code failed to actualize the legal status of women satisfactorily, but this partial success is significant in that it was achieved by the women's movement. The amendment movement in regard to discriminatory clauses which remain in the civil law should not be suspended. At the same time, continuous efforts should be made to obtain the actualization of
women's rights in the labor market, which are still not (10-2, p. 38) practiced despite their clarification in the Labor Law.
Since the 1960s, women's social participation has grown remarkably. This change can be recognized by examining subjective and objective criteria for measuring women's positions. The subjective factors are as follows: 1) women's demands for improving their social, political, and economic status; 2) women's self-proclaimed needs for consciousness-raising and self-actualization; 3) growing educational attainment and increased participation in economic activities; and 4) structural changes in industry brought about by the economic growth following the 1960s, which have resulted in rapidly increasing demands for women's labor power.
The ratio of economically active women has considerably increased; the ratio of working women increased from 26.8% in 1960 to 40.6% in 1985, compared to that of men which decreased from 73.4% to 69.3% for the same time period. Among the population participating in economic activity, the number of women employees was 5,881,000 in 1985, some 39.0% of the total employment of 14,935,000. This shows that the number of female employees has increased considerably from 2,884,000 in 1965 and 4,341,000 in (10-2, p. 39) 1975.
A contemporary painting of Chu Nongae, a patriotic kisaeng, who, during the 1592 Japanese invasion of Korea, jumped into the Nam River dragging a Japanese general with her to their death. (Yonghap photo).
areas, middle-aged and elderly women are engaging in hard farming, substituting for men who have migrated to the city.10 Hence, women's participation in economic activity has increased in numbers, but many problems still remain.
However, this increase does not imply a similar improvement in women's social and economic status. In spite of this external growth, women are still working at inferior and low-paying jobs, while suffering occupational and financial discrimination. In short, the largest proportion of women workers (60%) are unpaid laborers: unpaid family workers, "own account" workers (self-employed but without employees)7, etc., while the rate of women engaged in professional and technological jobs as well as administrative and managerial jobs is very low.8 Furthermore, the majority of working women are unmarried women, young in age. They are working in simple and repetitive jobs which do not require special skills, professional knowledge, or previous vocational experience. This phenomenon is partially due to factors which limit the possibilities for women's individual and professional potential. According to a statistical survey by the Ministry of Labor of enterprises composed of more than 10 employees, the average wage of women workers in 1983 was 135,638 won, only 46.8% of that of male workers.9 In addition, in rural
Women's Movement History
The status of women in contemporary Korea should be understood in the historical context of the last one hundred years of the women's movement. Women's social status in Korea today is the result of continuous struggles towards women's self-actualization and personhood. In order to understand the present position of women in Korea, it is necessary to briefly survey the history of the women's movement.
The women's movement in Korea began during the early 1900s. In this period, Korea was faced with extraordinary socio-political circumstances because of the Japanese occupation of the peninsula. As a result, the main issues and directions of the women's movement paralleled the independence movement. In this early period,11 the major activities of the women's movement were geared toward their education, consciousness-raising, and charitable work. Women's participation in the Movement for Compensation of National Debts was remarkable.
Since 1898 when the first women's organization named "Ch'anyang-hoe" (or "Sunsong-hoe") was formed, such activities as establishing girls' schools,12 sponsoring discussion and lecture meetings, and submitting petitions to the king, and so forth, were carried out in response to the needs of education and consciousness-raising for women.13 In particular, the establishment of girls' schools offered a good opportunity to train Korean women who had never before been allowed to participate in any official educational institutions. Accordingly, the establishment of schools contributed greatly to awakening women and raising their consciousness in this period.
During this early period of the women's movement, the Movement of Compensation of National Debts in 1907-8 was noteworthy for its contribution as the nation was facing the crisis in which the state's power might be lost. The consciousness-raising movement for women evolved into a movement for saving the country from Japanese invasion to obtaining national independence.14 The movement resulted in women's extensive participation in the March First Independence Movement in 1919.
After Japanese annexation of Korea (Choson) in 1910, the women's movement entered a new phase. Women's organizations now actively participated in political activities via the Movement of Compensation of National Debts in the pursuit of national independence. Women of various religious organizations, working women, students, housewives, and even kinyo (kisaeng; women who served and entertained men at parties, etc.) made efforts to achieve national independence. This period in Korean history marked a crucial stage in the development of women's conscious participation in national issues, and provided an initial glimpse into women's potential power.
Yu Kwan-soon (1904-1910) of the March First Independence Movement, who was martyred when she died in prison.
Women's activities in the 1920s expanded to include organizing women's associations, publishing women's magazines, and offering lecure meetings. Women's organizations created in this period can be divided into four categories as follows: 1) organizations for national independence and patriotism such as Taehan min'guk aeguk puin-hoe (Korean Patriotic Women's Association); 2) organizations for women's education, culture, and consciousness raising such as Korea YWCA, Taehan yoja kidok-kyo cholche-hoe (Korean Christian (10-2, p. 40) Women's Temperance Association), Choson yoja hunghak-hoe (Korean Women's Education Promotion Society), Choson yoja kyoyuk hyop-hoe (Korean Women's Education Association), Kyongsong yoja ch'ongnyonhoe (Seoul Young Women's Association); 3) organizations for the feminist movement influenced by socialism such as Choson yosong tongu-hoe (Korean Women's Common Friends' Association), Choson yosong haebang tongmaeng (Korean Women's Liberation League), Chungang yoja ch'ongnyon tongmaeng (Central Young Women's League); and 4) Keungmu-hoe, organized in 1927 for the purpose of unifying women's power among right and left-wing women's organizations. While the right wing emphasized education and the left wing advocated socialism, Keungmu-hoe urged the union of the struggle for women's power and the advancement of women's status with the struggle for national liberation from Japanese rule.
Women's Movement after 1945
With national independence in 1945, the chaotic and divisive national political atmosphere influenced the women's movement as well. In those years, Kon'guk punyo tongmaeng (Kon'guk Women's League) of the left-wing and Han'guk aeguk puin-hoe (Korean Patriotic Women's Association) of the right-wing were formed. After the establishment of the government in 1948, political activities of women's organizations decreased, while such professional organizations as Choson yosong kwahak-hoe (Korean Women Scientists Association), Taehan kajong hak-hoe (Korean Home Economics Association), Taehan chosanwon hyop-hoe (Korean Mid-Wifery Association), Taehan sonyo-dan (Korean Girl Scouts), and Taehan yohaksa hyop-hoe (Korean Association of University Women), were established to promote women's status and social relations among their members.15
In the 1950s Han'guk kajong pomnul sangdam-so (Korean Legal Center for Family Relations), Yosong munje Yongu-won (Research Center for Women's Problems), Catholic Nodong ch'ongnyon-hoe (JOC) were established to address women's problems in legal and employment spheres. In 1959, Yosong tanch'ae yonhap-hoe (Korean National Council of Women) was organized to unite and facilitate contacts among women's organizations. After the 1960s, many diverse (10-2, p. 41) women's organizations were founded which have continued up to the present. Their major activities concern population and environment; providing clothing, food, and housing; women's rights and child rearing; and family problems, etc. They offer programs ranging from monthly lectures, public discussion meetings, and seminars, to field trips to industrial zones and tourism. Most of these organizations provide adult educational programs and leisure programs for middle and upper class women and engage in charitable work such as helping poor neighborhoods, visiting asylums for the aged and orphanages, and raising funds and articles for natural disaster relief. Most of these organizations serve as centers for social activities and programs, instead of developing the politically focused advocacy of women's interests and objectives.16
From the 1970s onward, as mentioned before, the emergence of professional or academic associations and women's associations aimed at conducting a full-scale social movement began to be formed. As a result, the purpose and content of women's organizations evolved and became more diversified.
Women's Studies as a field of academic learning was introduced in Korea for the first time in September 1977. Widespread interest in studying women's issues or problems from the socio-structural perspective has contributed to considerable and rapid progress in Women's Studies. Currently, more than thirty universities and colleges throughout the country offer courses in Women's Studies. An M.A. program in Women's Studies was established in the Graduate School of Ewha Womans University in 1982. The Korean Women's Development Institute (KWDI) was created by the Government in April, 1983. In addition, the Korean Association of Women's Studies (KAWS) was organized in October, 1984, by women academics interested in Women's Studies.17 On the other hand, such organizations as Yosongsa yon'gu-hoe (Society for the Study of Women's History), Yosong han'guk sahoe yon'gu-hoe (Women's Society for the Study of Korean Society), Yosong sahoe yon'gu-hoe (Women's Society for the Study of Society), were organized to systematically develop women's studies.18
The KAWS became a forum for women interested in women's studies to exchange information and perspectives and to present papers on women's studies. It is expected that the KAWS will serve to articulate not only the theoretical background of the women's movement, but also function as the foundation of its campaigns and activities.
Women's participation in national issues is demonstrated here as women march during the March First Independence Movement Day parade.
The number of women's organizations officially registered with various Ministries of the Government is more than sixty. The various objectives of the majority of these organizations are for promoting friendships among members, improving women's ability and potential, promoting mutual international understanding and friendly relations, and advancing women's status. Some
of the activities include health care activities, religious activities, economic activity and a protection movement for consumers, legal aid service, voluntary service work, consciousness-raising educational programs and so forth.
Most organizations conduct educational programs for the purpose of upgrading the quality of women's lives and status. Among these organizations, there are, of course, desirable programs for recognizing women's issues and problems and working to overcome and/or solve them as well as to awaken women's consciousness. By contrast, there are a number of programs, which focus on women's culture, tastes, and hobbies, and which emphasize and encourage traditional sex roles. However, the central issue of women's education is to make women realize their situations and awaken their consciousness.
As mentioned before, women's organizations are implementing various activities for the improvement of their status and social development, analogous to the developments and changes in Korean society as a whole. But in (10-2, p. 42) attempting to establish a desirable image of women's organizations advocating "Women's Humanization and Promotion of Women's Status," it is true that many problems still remain. As one report has indicated, problems impeding the activities of women's organizations are the lack of ideology, the limited participation of middle and upper class women, the shortage of leaders and intermediate leaders, lack of financial independence, and the lack of suitable programs and their uniformity, etc.19
Members of The Korean Revolutionary (Patriotic Women's Association) which was organized on June 17, 1941 in Jong-Ching, China.
In recent years, the women's movement has begun to participate in mainstream social movements. From the 1970s onward, the problems and issues of women laborers suppressed under national industrialization and economic policies became a central issue for women's organizations. The women's movement broadened the scope of its interests and concerns in order to incorporate the
concerns of working class women. This enabled the women's movement to participate in the broader social movements in Korea.20
In the 1980s, women's political participation was strengthened along with the mass movement for democratization. In the latter half of the 1980s, the establishment of new women's organizations centered around younger generations such as Yosong sahoe yon'guhoe (Women's Society for the Study of Society), Tto hana-ui munhwa ( (10-2, p. 43) Culture), and Yosong sinmun (Women's Newspaper), very recently established (December, 1988), are said to be very progressive elements of the women's movement in Korea.
In the 1960s women were vocal on national issues
as seen here when they campaingned for
women's rights and the outlawing of concubines.
Korean Women's Institute
As previously mentioned, issues and problems specific to women have only been recognized in Korea since the mid 1970s, in conjunction with the United Nations declaration of "The Decade of Women" in 1975. Despite this comparatively short history, the interest in women's studies has grown dramatically, and the fruits of women's studies have been remarkable. In this regard, the contributions of the Korean Women's Institute (KWI) and Ewha Womans University cannot be overlooked.
The Korean Women's Institute was founded as one of eighteen research institutes at Ewha Womans University in March, 1977. In September (fall semester) of the first year, 1977, a course on women's studies for undergraduate students as an elective course was opened for the first time in Korea by its initiation. In March of 1982, the first and the only Department of Women's Studies in Korea was established as an M.A. program at the Graduate School of Ewha Womans University, for the purpose of producing professional resource persons and women leaders who would contribute to researching and teaching women's studies as well as bringing women's studies to various social sectors.
The established purpose and goals of the KWI are to raise consciousness in women's issues at universities and in the community. Through interdisciplinary research and teaching in Women's Studies, the university explores and identifies problems facing Korean women in a developing society. It searches for ways to promote social change which will bring greater equality, freedom, and fulfillment for women and men. Because of the comparatively short history of women's studies as a new discipline and its inter-disciplinary characteristics, the establishment of theory and methodology in Women's Studies in the context of the Korean situation can hardly be expected to be achieved in a short period of time. Similarly, the incorporation of theory and methodology in the everyday practices of Korean society will not be immediate.
A sculpture at Ewha Womans University where the first and only Department of Women's Studies was establisbed in 1981.
Research and Publication
As part of the endeavor to establish a "Korean Women's Studies" program, the publications by the KWI are worth mentioning, especially the series of primary sources concerning the history of Korean women from the past ten years. This long-term project was carried out to provide the foundation and primary materials for examining and understanding women's traditional socio-political status through collecting relevant records on women from historical
documents, and translating Chinese characters into Korean before compiling and publishing a source book. Up to the present, volumes on Ancient times (Three Kingdoms' Period, published in 1977), Middle Ages (Koryo dynasty 3 Vols., 1984, 1985, & 1986), Modern Period (1897-1910, 2 Vols., 1979 & 1980), and Women's Magazines in the Late Choson Dynasty (1981) were published. As of now, the translation of primary sources on women of the Choson dynasty have been completed and published. Two volumes of this four volume series on Choson women are clauses regulated in legal codes and records of the judgments of women's criminal cases of that time. The other two volumes encompass documents (10-2, p. 44) that discuss women which appeared in writings by Confucian and sirhak (Practical Learning) scholars and in the records of religions originating spontaneously in Korea such as Ch'ondogyo ("The Religion of the Heavenly Way") and Chungsangyo21 as well as in the shamanistic world through muga (songs of shamans).
During the period between 1982 and 1985, a research project was conducted which examined the roles and problems of women's labor both at the workplace and at home. It was a significant attempt in light of the fact that women's domestic labor has traditionally received little attention, and women's labor power has always discriminated against in workplaces when compared with male labor power, although women's labor power has increased in number with the advent of Korean industrialization. As a result of the project, a book entitled Korean Women and Their Work was published (1985). It includes a theoretical survey of the industrialization in Korean society and the problems posed by women's labor, and discusses broad topics ranging from professional women to rural women and household labor as well. The book was selected as a "Book of Today" in spring 1986, for it was recognized as a work which provided a holistic viewpoint on women's issues in the labor sector.
At the same time, the Korean Women's Institute has had close contact with the Asian Women's Institute 22 since its establishment. Besides this affiliation, the KWI has attempted to keep international ties for its studies on women's movement with other institutions outside the country. The book, entitled Challenges for Women: Women's .Studies in Korea (Ewha Womans University Press, in English) was published in 1986 as a part of this effort. This book contains eleven papers surveying the position and role of women in Korea from different disciplines and the present situation of Women's Studies courses conducted at Ewha Womans University. It was also selected as a book recommended by the Ministry of Culture and Information in 1987. It should be added that a cooperative research project of Ewha and UCLA was started under the theme of "Sexual Division of Labor in the Family and Work?A Comparative Study of American and Korean Experiences" from 1987. Five or six investigators from both institutions are involved in this joint project.
In addition, as a periodical of the Korean Women's Institute, a journal entitled Yosonghak nonji (Women's Studies Review) has been annually published since December 1984 in order to provide an arena for publishing the results of studies on women.
There have been many research projects which are not directly connected with women's problems and issues raised in everyday life. But the activities of the Korean Woman's Institute can be roughly divided into two parts: the research and publication work mentioned previously and community programs. KWI has been active in community programs, because Ewha Womans University has always maintained a firm commitment to social change and development by giving equal importance to community education. As an outgrowth of Women's Studies, various education programs of KWI have been planned to unite and encourage women leaders from all levels of Korean society.
The aims of the community programs are: I) to raise women's consciousness; 2) to provide women leaders with theoretical and practical education to increase their awareness of women's potential in identifying and solving problems at different social levels; and 3) to acquaint the participants with current women's issues and problems arising from rapid social and economic change.
With this purpose, the institute has conducted various community programs such as educational programs for rural women, urban poor women, church women, staff members of women's organizations, and women reporters of newspapers and magazines, etc. Recently, the institute concentrated on the programs for urban poor women. KWI opened a kindergarten (day-care center) for the children and a study room for the school children of the area, provided free medical care and health services. Educational programs were conducted for women's consciousness-raising, sex education, and learning Chinese characters, as well as for training skills and generating household income, etc. The results and efforts of these action-oriented research projects of KWI have been publicized in the form of articles, books, and pamphlets to be utilized for further research and programs of the same kind.
Ewha students reading in front of the university's main building, Pfeiffer Hall.
This paper attempted to examine the women's movement in Korea through the social position, history and present situation of Korean women and major activities of the Korean Women's Institute of Ewha Womans University. As seen in the previous pages, the KWI and Ewha Womans University have made many substantial contributions to the formation of a new women's movement in the 1980's with the openings of the course (10-2, p. 45) on women's studies and the Department of Women's Studies at both undergraduate and graduate levels.
At this juncture, KWI's role and function become more significant. The future tasks of KWI are, first, to develop theory and methodology for Korean women's studies. This project will have to be fulfilled in cooperation with the Korean Association of Women's Studies. Second, research related to the evaluation and development of the Women's Studies Program at Ewha Womans University will have to be continued and utilized as a model for courses in Women's Studies by other universities and colleges. Third, community programs for underprivileged women and their children, like the program for the poor urban women on which the efforts of KWI is concentrated, must be encouraged. Fourth, the compiling and translating work for publishing primary sources concerning Korean women must be continued with the constant endeavor to search for new materials for providing historical courses which encourage and develop the study of Korean women's history. All of these efforts of KWI are aimed at establishing progressive ideologies and presenting the future direction for the women's movement.
Finally, the international ties with overseas research institutions including the Asian Women's Institute must be continued and strengthened. This will be helpful in maintaining KWI's activities in step with the current trends of the women's movement at large, as well as to explore ways toward incorporating "Korean Women's Studies" in world women's studies.
Sei-Wha Chung is a noted educator and has published widely on Korean women, children and education. She earned her B.A. in Philosophy at Seoul National University and her M.A. in Educational Philosophy at the Graduate School, Ewha Womans University. In 1981-1982 she was a visiting fellow under a government grant at the University of Southern California. She is a professor at the College of Education, Ewha Womans University and is the director, Korean Woman's Institute, Ewha Womans University.
1. Lee, Hyo-Chae and Kim, Chu-Sook, The Status of Korean Women (Seoul: Ewha Womans University Press, 1979).
2. Lee, Tong-Won, "The Changes of Family in Korea and Women," Women's Studies, Korean Women's Institute ed. (Seoul: Ewha Womans University, 1979), p. 383.
3. Lee, Hyo-Chae and Kim, Chu-Sook, op. cit., p. 49.
4. Lee, Tong-Won, op. cit., p. 383.
5 Kim Choo-Soo, "Women and Law," Women's Studies, the Research Institute for Asian Women, ed. (Seoul: Sookmyung Women's University Press, 1984), pp. 273-274.
6. Sin, In-Ryung, "Legal Inequality of Women in Korea," Yosonghak (Women's Studies), Korean Women's Institute ed. (Seoul: Ewvha Womans Universitv Press. 1979), pp 289-290
7. D. Treiman and Hye-Kyung Lee, "Trends in Female Employment and Socio-Economic Status: A Comparison of Korea and the U.S." (A paper presented for Ewha-UCLA Women's Studies Workshop, held at UCLA, August 16-19. 1988).
8. Economic Planning Board. "Report of the Results on the First Special Survey of Employment Structure" (1984).
9. The Ministry of Labor, Survey Report on the Wage Siutation by Occupation (1983), p. 3
10. Kim. Ae-Sil. "Sex-Discrimination Appeared in Economic Activity in Korea." Women and Sex-Discrimination (Seoul: Korean Women's Develoment Institute. 1987, p.171.
11. The "early period" means the duration from the Enlightenment Period (around 1900) to 1919 (March First Independent Movement) as a general periodical division in the history of women's movement in Korea.
12. Before these establishments, girls' and boys' schools were founded by Christian missionaries such as Miss Scranton and Rev. Underwood, etc. Some of them are Ewha Womans University, Yonsei University, and Paejae Boys High School.
13. Kim Yung-Chung. "Women's Movement of Modern Korea." Yosonghak (Women's Studies), Korean Women's Institute, ed. (Seoul: Ewha Womans University Press, 1979), pp. 225-226
14. Kim, Yung-Chung, op cit, p. 213
15. Chung, Choong-Ryang & Lee, Hyo-Chae, "Study on Activities of Women's Organizations," Nonch'ong, Vol. 14 (Korea Cultural Research Institute, Ewha Womans Univ., 1969), pp. 143-144.
16. Choi, Min-Ji, "Brief History of Women's Movement in Korea," Theories and Reality of Women's Liberation, Lee, Hyo-Chae ed. (Seoul: Ch'angjak kwa pip'yong-sa, 1979), p. 256
17. For a more detailed description of the process of establishing Women's Studies, see Chung, Sei-Wha, "The Establishment of Contemporary Women's Studies," Women and Development (Korean Women's Development Institute, 1984), pp. 27-45.
18. Hanguk ilbo (December 22, 1987).
19. Korean Women's Development lnstitute, Survey Report for Vitalizing Activities of Women's Organizations (1985), p. 5.
20. Edae hakbo (Newspaper of Ewha Womans University), November 30, 1987.
21. It is named after the pseudonym of the founder, Kang, II-sun.
22. An international women's organization composed of Christian women's universities/colleges and their centers for Women's Studies in Asian countries, which is currently coordinated be the office at Kinnaird College for Women, Lahore, Pakistan.
i think till the time when japan amalgamated korea 1910, korean women were treated as same as worm by men's confusions.
i had studied japan had forced uncivilized acting to korean in high school,but i study by myself,i realize that japan realised korean women.
korean glamorize their history.