Monday, July 23, 2012

Asian Women’s Fund 4th Roundtable Meeting on the issue of “Comfort Women” How were the “Comfort Women” Victimized?

Asian Women’s Fund
4th Roundtable Meeting on the issue of “Comfort Women”
How were the “Comfort Women” Victimized?
-How the Victims feel now?-
Asian Women’s Fund
This is proceedings of the 4th Roundtable Meeting on the issue of “Comfort Women” held in Okinawa, October 2003.
All Rights Reserved Asian Women’s Fund

Forward i-iii
Korea Sim Mi-ja Yang Soon-im Kim Jeong-im Lee Wong-Won Mukuge Friendship SocietyThe Society for the Bereaved Families of Pacific War The Society for the Bereaved Families of Pacific War Kwandong University ・・・・・・・・・・1-4 ・・・・・・・・5-19 ・・・・・・20-22 ・・・・・・23-31
Philippines Rechida A. Extremadura Lila-Pilipina ・・・・・・32-37
Taiwan Yvonne Mei Jung Lin Su-Jun Huang LEE Taipei Grass-roots Women Worker’s Centre The Community Women’s Association ・・・・・・38-41
the Netherlands M.J.Hamer Project Implementation Committee in the Netherlands ・・・・・・42-53
Japan Keiko USUKI Michiko INABA Association to Clarify the Post-war Responsibility of Japan ・・・54-60 Japanese Trade Union Confederation ・・・・・・61-63
List of participants ・・・・・・・・・・・64

In Publishing a Report on the Roundtable on Support for Former “Comfort Women”
An elderly female victim was hospitalized. She currently lives by herself. After she came out of hospital she said, “I had no visitors while I was in the hospital. The patients in the beds next to me had their grandchildren, sons and family visiting them. They were concerned and asked the patients how they were doing, while I had nobody. I became so ashamed to have no visitors that I went out to a store to get some fruits and asked the hospital staff to deliver them to me. I am so lonely now and living is more painful than dying.”
When we heard this story from a member of a support group we wondered: What in the world are the comfort women victims of? What are we calling “damage?” Only what happened during the tragic and grim days they spent then in the comfort stations as comfort women? Like this elderly woman, because they were made to be comfort women they could not get married, they were separated from their families and are living alone in their later years. Today, 60 years after the war, they are still tormented by “damage,” which is loneliness and discrimination. The suffering to the comfort women is ongoing.
However, the discussion of the issue of comfort women has focused only on such points as: whether they were forced into service or not; whether the Japanese military was involved or not; whether state compensation should be paid or not; and whether people are for or against the Asian Women’s Fund, both domestically and internationally. We think that the reality of the “suffering” that has continued to this day for 60 years has been focused on.
How are the victims living now? What are they thinking about everyday? What are their wishes? Now that the Atonement Project is over, we strongly feel that it is our responsibility to think about what the AWF can do for the victims from now on.
With this in mind, we held a roundtable in Naha City, Okinawa in October 2003. The principal participants were the staff of support groups in the countries and regions to which the Atonement Project by the Asian Women’s Fund had been implemented. It aimed to provide an opportunity to educate ourselves about the victims “today” and exchange opinions about what could be done about this suffering that continues to be inflicted on the former comfort women even today. Once their past as comfort women is revealed the victims are subject to discrimination not only by the people around them but also by their relatives. They are treated with prejudice even today. The victims are pressured by the support groups that are against the Asian Women’s Fund, which tell them not to accept “Atonement money” from the AWF because it
is not state compensation or say that they will be imprisoned if they do and that government aid will be cut off. Those who have accepted compensation from the Fund are discriminated against and alienated. This severe situation that currently confronts the victims was reported by participants to the roundtable. Measures that should have been taken by the AWF to stop this pressure and discrimination were also discussed. Also presented was the fact that female victims were not the only comfort women victims and that these victims are still facing difficulties, just like the comfort women.
Some mentioned what the Atonement Project of the Asian Women’s Fund had brought about to the victims. They said that the letter of apology from the prime minister of Japan had consoled them and noted the significance of the medical and welfare support project funded by the government. The AWF made a new report about the mechanism and development of the Atonement Project in each country and region and the activities of other projects and how this problem should be handed down to younger people in the future was also discussed.
Until the roundtable discussion in Okinawa, meetings with support groups from overseas had been held with a table between the two sides, where we listened to their requests with both sides discussing things for an hour or so. This time, however, we were able to have support groups from each country and region gather together, live under the same roof for several days and talk about how we can change things or what we communicate. Misunderstandings about the Asian Women’s Fund and the Atonement Project have also been sorted out. We also believe that it provided the support groups with an opportunity to network with each other.
This report summarizes the points raised during the discussion. They include appeals from victims made in the form of handouts or spoken words by the participants, the environment they live in and the report made by the AWF. The report also touches on what the victims as well as their supporters demand of the AWF, which has completed its five-year Atonement Project. In reality, there are things we can and cannot do in response to these demands and things we must start to discuss. However, what the AWF can and must do right now is to listen to as many victims’ voices possible and let as many people in Japan and in the world as possible know the fact that unreasonable discrimination and prejudice still exist today against those who were forced to become comfort women. We must send a message out to the victims themselves saying that it is wrong that the harm for which they are not at all responsible continues and that they should never be to blame. Finally, we would be happy if our intention of publishing this report.namely to address the fact that prejudice and discrimination against female victims arising from sexual problems still exist today, as
described above, and to ask people to understand that such problems must be eradicated in the understood.
Asian Women’s Fund
The present situation of the Comfort Women Victims in Korea
Sim Mi-Ja Mukuge Friendship Society Korea
My name is Sim Mi-Ja and I am a former military comfort woman from Korea. As I personally have nothing particular to say and have no learning to impart, I would like to talk to you about the elderly women who used to be military comfort women as a whole. We have had our human rights trampled underfoot a number of times. There are several parties who have trodden on the rights of former comfort women. First of all, members of the non-government organizations who are supposed to protect former comfort women have disregarded the human rights of those very same people. The reason for this is that these organizations do everything they can to look after the elderly women who do what they say, but do not lift a finger to help those who don’t. Elderly former comfort women such as myself who have views of their own that do not coincide with the ideas held by these organizations receive no protection and become ostracized. I have received a certain amount of attention and even been subjected to criticism because of things like this.
The Korean government provides all women registered as former military comfort women with living support payments to the value of 100,000 won. However, this does not make up for how distressing it was to be abused by the Japanese military between the ages of 15 and 22 and then again by non-government organizations at present. I want the Korean government and the Asian Women’s Fund(AWF)to hear about this. I want to tell them in detail about how we have been down-trodden from the point of view of a former military comfort woman. As a result of being down-trodden and feeling great pain in our hearts, we have developed heart conditions and been forced to live alone in solitude. As if the fact that we have been abused in the past alone wasn’t hard enough to bear, women’s organizations in Japan and Korean organizations have conspired to slander us. This is utterly unforgivable.
At present these elderly women live lonely lives all by themselves. There may be those who have managed to use the Korean government’s living support payments to live comfortably, but there are also those that continue to suffer hardship regardless. The reason that these people continue to suffer is that their children or relatives have deprived them of even the small sum given to them by the government along with everything else, including their bank books, leaving them without a penny to live off. There are elderly women such as these who fall into ill health due to the fact that they have no money whatsoever at their disposal and wish to go to a hospital, but they complain of not even having the money to make it there. Thirty-two elderly women in unfortunate situations such as these got together and formed the Mukuge Friendship Society. These women, who lead such terribly lonely, isolated lives, meet up together in one location once every two or three months and discuss one another’s situations. It was through discussions such as these that I came to hear about this. In addition to having to bear the sadness of being down-trodden by various organizations, they have all been deprived of money by their relatives and been left without a penny. I learned from them that situations such as these were occurring. It was announced to the newspaper that the AWF would, if possible, construct facilities such as rest homes or health centers to protect elderly women such as these. If an announcement along those lines was printed in the newspaper then it would soon ease the sadness that these women feel. I have received requests from elderly women such as these asking that, if it is true that the construction of facilities such as rest homes or a health centers has been announced, I try to urge its completion as soon as possible. I have made it this far, but I only have so much strength. If the AWF was genuinely set up to help former comfort women.if it was really established based on donations and grants from the Japanese government to help us, the former comfort women who have had our human rights and dignity betrayed.if this is the case then I implore you to manage the Fund in the spirit of protecting such women and construct rest homes or health centers that former comfort women, who may have little more than days left to live, can use whilst they are still alive.
Over the last three years I have been using money that I have earned doing eastern embroidery to look after unfortunate elderly women like these by doing things such as buying painkillers for them. Looking back, I have come face to face with some extremely lonely situations. In order to help out elderly women in unfortunate situations such as these, I asked a certain person whether it might somehow be possible for these women to receive some sort of benefits from the Korean government. In response, this person said that a member of the government had suggested that we form an organization to protect these elderly women. This person went on to say that they thought that, if we did this and called the organization the “Mukuge Harumoni (‘elderly woman’) Association,” sympathy for the elderly women’s situation would be aroused and they could receive benefits. To protect these poor elderly women who feel that they may die any day now, I have the fighting spirit to take on the major economic power that is Japan.
In 1991 there was an announcement to the effect that former military comfort women should report the fact that they were military comfort women on the grounds that their secrecy would be guaranteed due to the issue being an embarrassing one for the Korean government. Nevertheless, I refuse to go and make a statement to any organization. One day I was listening to Korean MBC Radio and news of a member of the Japanese government claiming that there were no instances of forced abduction with regard to the issue of former military comfort women. He claimed that there were apparently organizations that handed over money and took girls away with them, but that there was no truth in the accusation that the Japanese government engaged in forced abduction. Upon hearing this news, I phoned MBC Korean Cultural Broadcasting to ask them what on earth they were saying and tell them that the Japanese police came into my elementary school and abducted me in the middle of class. The Japanese government is two-faced. People like that cannot be trusted. I took a stand and vowed to reveal the truth, even at the risk of my own life.
Since then a number of organizations have taken a stand. One such organization is a group called the ‘Nanum House of Sharing’.
The impetus for starting up this organization came when I witnessed an elderly woman living in a plastic greenhouse-like structure by the water pump in a rural village. I was deeply distressed at seeing this and went to the temple in Chogejon to see the priest there. I asked him whether, seeing as his organization was so big, they could possibly raise money in order to help unfortunate elderly women such as this. That incident provided the momentum for setting up the ‘House of Sharing’.
The elderly woman, who, as I mentioned a moment ago, was living in a plastic structure, started living in the House of Sharing and went on to give a statement to the Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan. As of fiscal 1990, a total of 61 people had given statements. We still do not have the financial resources for all 61 women to live at Nanum House, so there are just a certain number of them living there. What I want to say is that these people are still doing fine, but the same cannot be said for others. The roughly 80 to 100 people who were told by the government to make statements in the 1990s on the basis that their secrecy would be guaranteed and who subsequently did so for the sake of their families, society and their own honor have ultimately ended up living in situations even worse that ours. That is how things stand at present in Korea.
As with the Mukuge Friendship Society, which presides over our organization, we meet up together and discuss the hardship that each of us faces by way of recognition of what we are going through. In that sense too we are among the luckier ones. In the end however, the same cannot be said for these other women, who have suffered yet more tragedy in that the guarantee of secrecy was ultimately unable to be upheld and their identities have now been revealed. Various problems are starting to occur within households as children and husbands are just now discovering the truth about their mothers and wives. As I mentioned earlier, some of these women are in situations where their bank book has been taken away from them and they are unable to get hold of money to live off. The fact is that we receive a large number of calls from elderly women who want to tell us about their current situation.
I want to underline the fact that 40 of the elderly women who made statements to the government that I referred to earlier and a further 32 women from the Mukuge Friendship Society have suffered considerably. These people meet with Japanese organizations that come to Korea and show them around. We.the 32 members of the Mukuge Friendship Society and the 40 women who initially made statements confirming that they were former comfort women at the encouragement of the government.have now made our own website, which will help give you an understanding of our feelings and point of view.
As a result of having made statements, our dignity as human beings has been trampled upon and, even now, we find ourselves in the unfortunate situation where it is difficult to go out at all because when we do so we are followed around by the impression that people are talking about us behind our backs, saying things like “that old woman used to be a military comfort woman.” It is an undeniable fact that factors such as this have led us to develop heart conditions, live with a permanent sense of dread and worry about people looking at us. It is not just Japanese people, people in Korea also talk contemptuously about the fact that we were once military comfort women behind our backs; our situation has become overwhelmingly hard to bear. I have read about the AWF collecting money to help people such as this in recognition of their suffering and pledging that they will build rest homes or health centers based on these funds in the newspaper time and time again. I hope to continue hearing of news like this. I show these newspaper reports to other elderly women so they can see what the AWF is doing for us. The AWF will erect monuments, museums, rest homes and health centers; as long as we have their support there is no need to worry, no matter how much people in Korea talk about us behind our backs. Up to now we have talked amongst ourselves any number of times about how the future is looking bright. Before returning home, I hope to obtain specific answers from the AWF regarding what they are going to do to help us in the future.
There is one more final thing that I would like to say. I am aware of the details of discussions between women’s groups in Japan and Korea. Apparently, one particular Korean women’s group has been telling Japanese women’s groups that former military comfort women in Korea are living perfectly peaceful lives thanks to protection from the Korean government and various Korean organizations. This is preposterous, as I think you will have seen from all the people here today who have informed you about the actual situation of former comfort women as it stands. I feel that we, the 32 members of the Mukuge Friendship Society and the 40 people who gave statements to the Korean government, are in a position to know just what kind of lives the former comfort women are living. Rather than getting the chance to be treated like regular human beings, we are treated like human garbage. These women are living in extremely miserable situations, with their hearts and minds torn to shreds. Please, I ask you; do something to help women such as these.

Sincere Remorse on the Part of Japan and Hopes for the Settlement of Past Issues between Japan and Korea
Yang Soon-Im Society for the Bereaved Families of Pacific War Korea
1. Background of activities carried out by the Society for the Bereaved Families of Pacific War in relation to the issue of Japanese military comfort women
January 19, 1971: Enactment of law regarding the right of Korean citizens to claim against Japan May 21, 1971 . March 20, 1972:
Declaration issued by directly bereaved families of Pacific War victims
and group of bereaved families established
April 1973: Inauguration of the Society of Bereaved Families of Pacific War
April 1984: First Japanese military comfort women uncovered
June 1988: Society re-established
February 24, 1989: Event (involving Yang Soon-Im and Moon Ik-hwan) held in Topgol
Park (then Pagoda Park) on the day of Emperor Hirohito’s (Emperor
Showa) funeral; open letter urging Emperor Akihito (Emperor Heisei)
to accept responsibility for Pacific War victims (including comfort
women) released
April 1989: After much persuasion, one former comfort woman become a member
of the Society
March 1, 1990: Declaration of an international tribunal to settle past issues with Japan
April 20, 1990: Request for 90,000-name list of the girls volunteer labor corps
members from the Japanese Ministry of Health and Welfare;
interviews and talks with strategists
April 27, 1990: Release of name list in line with request from Korean government;
response received from Japanese side
August 1990: Selection of one Japanese military comfort woman as plaintiff
October 29, 1990: 22 surviving victims (military personnel, paramilitary personnel and
laborers) and members of bereaved families file a personal lawsuit
demanding an official apology and compensation
Objections made by a former comfort woman to unauthorized pictures
taken by Pak Sunam, a Korean citizen living in Japan; withdrawal of

former Korean comfort woman plaintiff
August 3-7, 1991: 54 members of the Society of Pacific War Bereaved Families and
former comfort women take part in the International Forum of Postwar
Compensation for the Asia-Pacific Region; former Korean comfort
women disclose actual details of their experiences.
December 6, 1991: 32 military and paramilitary personnel and members of bereaved
families and three former comfort women file a lawsuit at the Tokyo
District Court demanding compensation for Korean Asia-Pacific War

December 13, 1991: Testimonies regarding the actual details of experiences undergone by former comfort women given at a Diet General Commission on Foreign Affairs hearing (former comfort woman: Lee Gibun; executive member of Society: Yang Soon-im)
January 9, 1992: Denunciation of the injustice of Japanese forced draft of Korean women as military comfort women; meeting to oppose Japanese Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa’s visit to Korea; gathering of over 500 society members outside the Japanese Embassy Written request for direct talks with the Japanese Prime Minister submitted to Japanese Ambassador to South Korea Kenichi Yanagi by ten former military comfort women; direct talks with the Director of the Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a similar request made
January 13, 1992: Talks with President-elect Kim Young-sam (Kim Jong-dae, Yang Soon-im); request for social security for former comfort women and war victims in general; President-elect pledges to solve the issue soon after his official appointment
January 15-16, 1992: Rally involving more than 900 members (outside Japanese Embassy) to call for direct talks between ten former military comfort women and the Japanese Prime Minister and post-war settlement
January 17, 1992: Demands made that Japanese Prime Minister Miyazawa work on six areas of post-war settlement (including direct talks with 10 former comfort women) during his speech at the National Assembly as part of his visit to Korea One of the society members of bereaved family dies after a collision with police during a demonstration outside the National Assembly involving more than 1000 members
April 13, 1992: Six former comfort women file additional suit December 10, 1992: 50 society members, and seven former comfort women (Yang Soon-im), take part in an international tribunal (Tokyo) on Japanese
post-war compensation; first meeting between South and North
Korean former comfort women
December 15 1992 . January 10, 1993:
Survey of former comfort women’s current living conditions conducted
January 12, 1993: Request for urgent social security for former military comfort women
made to Ministry of Foreign Affairs
June 9 -23, 1993: Joint representative Yang Soon-im takes part in the 25th World
Conference on Human Rights (Vienna); 3,000 copies of “A Demand
for Solutions to the Issue of Japanese Military Comfort Women and
Pacific War Victims” and 200 copies of collected materials distributed;
556 signatures collected from participating human rights
commissioners on “A Demand for Solutions to the Issue of Japanese
Military Comfort Women”
June 14, 1993: Direct request placed with Conference Director John Pei after the
opening of the plenary session to pass a copy of official post-war
settlement documents, information sheets and collected materials to
the UN Secretary General
June 17, 1993: Minister Kim Yeong-Ho agrees to deliver official post-war settlement
documents and collected materials to the UN Headquarters in Geneva
and the UN’s U.S. office (also given to the UN Secretary General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali in person during a visit to Korea at a later date);
statement made on National Korean War Armistice Day regarding
demands for settlement of past issues between Japan and Korea and
the issue of Japanese military comfort women
July 8-23, 1993: Seven preliminary conferences held between Japanese government
officials and the Society for Bereaved Families regarding the
testimonies of Japanese military comfort women
July 26-30, 1993: Testimonies given by 15 former military comfort women; heard by five
representatives from the Prime Minister’s Office; Korean observer:
Yang Soon-im
March 26, 2001: First verdict reached in the former comfort women’s suit demanding
compensation for Korean Asia-Pacific War victims; all eight plaintiffs’
claims rejected
July 22, 2003: Majority of claims rejected in second verdict except partial
acknowledgement of former comfort woman Shim Mi-Ja’s claims;

currently pending appeal in the Supreme Court
2. Visiting former Japanese military comfort women
It was in 1984 that I first visited a former Japanese military comfort woman. When I first came to know of the existence of comfort women from an elderly gentleman who had worked as member of the paramilitary, it came as a great shock. I had heard tell of young girls being handed over from my parents, but all I knew was based on legends whereby such girls handed over to the military ended up dying or couldn’t be seen by people when they came back. I was aghast to learn that such elderly women actually existed.
My reaction was due to our historical emotions and concepts with regard to our society. We were afraid to even think about how to approach or how to handle this dishonorable, shameful national history of ours in which the chastity of our mothers, which we had been taught to value even above our own lives at that time, had been mercilessly trampled underfoot by Japanese imperialism.
In an attempt to learn about the situation experienced by these women I tried to arrange an interview with one such elderly woman through my elderly gentleman friend on several occasions, but she was adamant in her refusal.
She said “It would have been better if I had died, but I was so afraid that I couldn’t even do that. I can never tell anyone about the shame that I experienced. I will remain quiet until I die.”
For several years after that I traveled from Seoul to Pusan time and time again to try and persuade her to talk to me, but she avoided me and I would return back to Seoul without having met her, at times with a tear in my eye. Each time I took solace in the fact that my friend did a good job of trying to persuade her and showed appreciation for my efforts by saying that we would definitely file a suit in court with her.
At the end of an arduous process, we obtained permission to include her amongst the plaintiffs filing a personal suit against the Japanese government to demand an official apology and compensation (suit filed at Tokyo District Court on October 29, 1990 by 22 plaintiffs). She agreed to testify in court on the condition that I promised that nothing would be made public in the press and that the suit would be filed under an assumed name.
She made me sure that I would not disclose her experiences and I, the only that know about it. With that, I was able to go to the elderly woman’s house alone and talk to her.
She was extremely cautious out of fear that people might find out about her past.
However my promise was broken when the member of the Society for Bereaved Families who accompanied me to the elderly woman’s home (but waited outside) disclosed her address to Pak Sunam, a Korean citizen living in Japan, who then came into her home without permission, video camera in hand.
In shock, the elderly woman telephoned me and said that she wanted to be taken off the list of plaintiffs right away. I was in hospital at the time and was so surprised that I didn’t even notice an injection being inserted into my arm and thus caused a major scene when my blood flowed back into the syringe.
Ultimately, I had no option but to remove the elderly woman from the plaintiffs’ claim and I took her name off the list of plaintiffs for the official apology and compensation trial. (The following year this became the list of plaintiffs for the legal action demanding compensation for Korean Pacific War victims, but this was not disclosed elsewhere.)
However, thanks to this process people in Japan and overseas who were interested in this issue came to know of the existence of elderly former comfort women and that they were filing a suit. It also led the media to pick up the story.
Kim Hak-Sun, an elderly woman living in Korea, heard about this story and came to ask the Society for Bereaved Families if she could take part in the trial. She explained that she had visited a Christian women’s society that she had heard about from an elderly woman she had met in Topgol Park (then Pagoda Park) and that she had ended up releasing her story to the media.
This process left me with one particular painful memory. Despite the fact that this was a socially sensitive issue at the time, public interest gave rise to malicious behavior. Moreover, rather than unconditional disclosure of the details, which could potentially have caused the victims further dishonor and injury, the Society for Bereaved Families was striving to both bring the matter to court and use the opportunity to make Japan feel remorse and atone for their actions.
At that time, prior to Kim Hak-Sun going public, the Society for Bereaved Families had already obtained information from an additional two people. The elderly women who came to talk to the Society for Bereaved Families had experienced inhuman, cruel hardship as comfort women, but unfortunately, the initial release of pictures of Kim Hak-Sun paved the way for coverage in Japanese right-wing newspapers and the media that made light of their suffering. From the start of the news coverage, which implied that the pain worse than death experienced by the elderly comfort women was merely a matter of money, the remorse-less, indignant attacks on the part of their aggressors upon being confronted with their actions caused the women to taste yet more dishonor and bitterness.
I am here today to explain to you about the circumstances behind bringing the issue of comfort women to light because I feel that in the future this should not merely be an issue for the Republic of Korea to deal with, but that we all have a real-life historical role to play in ensuring that nothing like this ever happens again in the history of womankind. I believe that we have an obligation to rectify the aggressors’ mistaken perceptions and distortion of the truth with regard to military comfort women.
To reiterate, the Society for Bereaved Families has no intention of using the issue of comfort women to attack, arbitrarily beat or get money from Japan; I want to make it clear that the reason we did not release the details of this issue right away is that our aim is to make the aggressors to feel sincere remorse and a fitting sense of shame in order to ensure that no tragedy of this kind ever reoccurs.
Looking back on it all, I am left with a feeling of regret that if Lee Ki-boon, who was herself keen to talk to the press about her experiences, had gone public before Kim Hak-Sun, then the aggressors’ attitude might have improved and this issue might have been handled better.
3. Requests for the testimonies of former Japanese military comfort women to be heard
On January 9, 1992, immediately prior to Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa’s visit to Korea, a document stating that the Japanese military were involved in the drafting of comfort women was discovered and Japan admitted that this was the case. However, Japan adopted a stance that there was no forced drafting carried out.
Right away over 500 members of our society gathered outside the Japanese Embassy. Kim Jong-dae and I (Yang Soon-im) met with Ambassador Yanagi and handed him copies of claims entitled “Opposition to Prime Minister Miyazawa’s Visit to Korea and the Demand for Post-war Settlement” and “Talks between 10 Former Comfort Women and the Prime Minister”.
On the premise that the Prime Minister should “meet the former comfort women in person and make a decision on whether they were forcibly drafted or not based on what his conscience tells him is right”, we held a protest involving over 100 people outside the Japanese Embassy on January 15. On January 16, the day Prime Minister Miyazawa arrived in Seoul, we organized a protest rally involving over 800 people outside the Japanese Embassy.
On January 17, whilst Prime Minister Miyazawa was giving a speech to the National Assembly, a group of over 1000 members of our Society issued statements including a “Demand to Focus on Six Areas of Post-war Settlement” and a “Request for Direct Talks between 10 Former Comfort Women and the Prime Minister” from a location roughly 100 meters away from the National Assembly. Sadly, during this rally Chu Gison, an elderly male member of our Society, sustained four broken ribs as a result of heavy-handed intervention on the part of the police. He later passed away after being admitted to hospital in Yoido.
Moving on from this, the Society for Bereaved Families’ first casualty since the start of our activities to settle past issues between Korea and Japan, we continued to demand that the testimonies of former Japanese military comfort women be heard (talks with Sakutaro Tanino, Director of the Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Councilors’ Office on external Affairs, Cabinet Secretariat, Prime Minister’s Secretariat, the Director of the Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador to the Republic of Korea in Japan Gong Ro-Myung, President-elect Kim Young-sam, etc.). As a result of our efforts, we received a response regarding talks with the Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary on May 27, 1993.
The Japanese government responded to the effect that, “If Korea could select roughly ten representatives involved in the comfort woman issue, advisory committee members (staff from the Councilors’ Office on External Affairs) would enter into talks and, if studies showed that forced drafting had taken place, the Japanese government would be prepared to enact a special law and announce individual compensation for the victims. However, the process is currently on hold due to Korean refusal to cooperate.”
On May 29, the Society for Bereaved Families made a statement demanding that “testimonies of victims in general be heard” rather than just those of former comfort women and relayed this to Japan. Naturally we also communicated our intentions to the Korean government and requested their cooperation.
Thus it was that on July 8, 1993, after battling our way through one and a half years since the initial request that the testimonies of former comfort women be heard, the initial conference regarding testimony hearings between the Society for Bereaved Families and Japanese government officials got underway. The two countries reached an agreement at the 7th preliminary conference (July 23, 1993).
Following on from that, during the five day period from July 26 to 30, 1993, 15 former comfort women gave their testimonies.
During this process I became the target for a great deal of criticism from people both in Korea and overseas. There were even doubts raised regarding the testimony hearings in certain quarters of the media. The reasons for this were that “no matter how many victims go over to Japan and give their testimonies and no matter far you push your efforts, the Japanese will soon forget it” and that “it is unbelievable that Japan is seriously willing to put efforts into solving this issue”. There was a certain element of truth to such claims.
Therefore, despite feeling pressured by the fact that national sanctions might result, depending on the stance taken by Japan in response to the testimony hearings, I had one very clear intention in mind.
I wanted to ensure that Japan knew the truth about all the acts of brutality that they themselves had committed. Due to Japan’s steadfast denial regardless of this, I felt it my moral duty to make them speak the truth.
Even if we couldn’t expect a satisfactory solution, I was determined that we would continue to create opportunities for Japan to admit to forced drafting and, as long as there were victims left to testify, confirm each victim’s testimony and reach a solution, one at a time if necessary. As the former comfort women get older they will inevitably depart this world one by one, but I resolved that Japan would have to acknowledge the truth about the suffering it has inflicted on them within their lifetime.
I believed our Japanese audience to be essentially good people and despite numerous objections and concerns being raised, in particular countless protest phone calls from certain former comfort women threatening to protest against the testimony hearings outside our offices, I remained firm in my determination to knock down any obstacles that people put in our way and, in the end, the testimonies of 15 women who had been forcibly drafted by Japanese imperial forces into working as military comfort women were heard.
4. Japanese Government policy regarding comfort women after the end of testimony hearings
On August 4, 1993, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono made an official announcement partially acknowledging the forced drafting of comfort women, but he made no reference to problem solving measures or victim compensation.
Nevertheless, Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama established an “Peace, Friendship, and Exchange Initiative” policy whereby \100 billion would be used to help surrounding countries over a period of ten years, evening out at a total of \10 billion a year.
Following on from that, the Japanese government came up with the idea of creating a non-government fund to provide former comfort women with reward payments. It is also a known fact that \500 million of the fiscal 1995 budget was allocated for matters such as running costs for an office to set up a non-government organization.
The Society for Bereaved Families immediately saw through the fact that Japan was attempting to only deal with the issue of comfort women, which was merely the tip of the iceberg, and gloss over issues relating to Pacific War victims in general, including military and paramilitary personnel, laborers and members of the Girls Volunteer Labor Corps, and their families and issued a statement of opposition.
From the point of view of the former Japanese military comfort women, the priority task was to find solutions to help them deal with the hardships of daily life. However, we decided that what needed to be done first of all was to get Japan to show remorse and apologize for acts of brutality committed in the past, obtain fitting compensation to help victims regain the honor that had been trampled into the ground and dispel the feelings of ill will and bitterness that still remained.
However, the Japanese government’s policy regarding comfort women paid no heed to the issue of war victims in general and merely sought to solve the issue of comfort women, which had become a global issue by that time. We realized that its plan was to clear up the comfort women issue, which was standing in the way of Japan becoming a permanent member of the UN Security Council, to restore international trust in Japan and achieve its aim of becoming a permanent member of the council, thus securing the position of leading country in Asia and increased influence on a global scale.
The Japanese government has to realize that its consistently surface-deep policy of appeasement regarding comfort women, which shows no fitting sense of remorse for past actions, has stirred up feelings of ill will towards Japan amongst the Korean government.
Without delay, the Korean government enacted living support legislation aimed at former comfort women and adopted a lump sum and monthly payment policy. Based on this, they rejected the non-government fund proposed by the Japanese government and, advocating moral superiority in defiance of Japan’s remorseless stance, drew up and implemented a range of protective measures in order to provide basic day-to-day stability for former comfort women in recognition of their struggle.
As a result of this, the seven former comfort women who had initially promised to accept the non-government fund were cast as traitors. They found themselves in a position whereby they were shunned by the Korean government and criticized by all corners of society and people’s sympathy turned to contempt.
Ultimately, Japan’s remorse-less policy of appeasement with regard to their past acts of brutality provoked actions that left some of the former comfort women with a guilty conscience, feeling that they had no option but accept the non-government funds in secret, out of view of their own government and society. Even today, these women live their lives with bated breath like criminals, out of fear that they might face pressure to pay back money they have received or from the Korean Government, criticism if the Korean government or certain comfort women organizations get to know they accepted the non-government fund.
Moreover, on top of the fact that they didn’t receive any non-government donations, a large number of these former comfort women could not do anything because they were not aware of these facts and some suffered even greater psychological distress due to the conflict between the two sides.
5. Management of non-government fund lacking in consideration for victim support groups
Despite committing unimaginably brutal crimes in the surrounding countries, Japan has shown no real remorse and certain high-ranking government officials have shamelessly made frequent reckless comments.
It could be said that the people of Korea (including North Korea) were made to pay the price that Japan should by rights have paid after losing the war. While the division of the Korean peninsular caused the Korean people to turn and point their guns at one another and suffer through a tragic war, no one could deny the fact that Japan, a country that had brought disgrace upon itself, used this as a foothold to enable it to grow into a major economic power once again.
Japan may not want to admit it, but the division of the Korean peninsular was a cross that Japan should have had to bear. Therefore everyone in Japan should strive to ensure that solutions are reached to issues relating to victims from North and South Korea and that the Korean peninsular is reunified.
Regardless of this, Japan has paid no attention to this fact, even criticizing us for bringing it up, and has brushed aside the issue of post-war settlement on the Korean peninsular. While the victims from the war continue to suffer in poverty, a policy of establishing a non-government fund with the aim of dealing with the issue based on the assumption that if enough money is given out everything will be put right, amounts to ignoring the feelings of the victims themselves. In actual fact, this policy was one of covering up the problem. That is why it was ultimately unsuccessful.
When opposition towards this way of management of the non-government fund increased, those responsible for the fund visited Korea on at least two occasions to seek out members of the relevant organizations. However, nobody visited the Society for the Bereaved Families of the Pacific War, which is a victim support group.
Despite all this, Japan’s aim did not seem to be to find solutions to issues related to war victims out of a feeling of genuine remorse, but merely to set up a non-government fund as part of a policy to ease their conscience. Rather than achieving anything, this increased victims’ feelings of ill will towards Japan.
Initially, the Society for Bereaved Families was in favor of the establishment of a non-government fund based on the understanding that it represented an apologetic stance in order to show sincere remorse on the part of the Japanese people and ease the suffering of former comfort women in some way and that it had nothing to do with the intentions of the Japanese government.
We had a sense of hope that, “If the Japanese people as a whole were to properly recognize their past mistakes during the war, no similar tragedy would ever happen again.”
However, the stance that Japan continued to adopt up until the end of the non-government fund period on May 1, 2002, frustrated and undermined the hopes of the war victims.
Therefore, the end result was that the Japanese non-government fund, Asian Women’s Fund(AWF)failed to resolve the issue of Japanese military comfort women.
First and foremost, from now on Japan should take some serious, heartfelt action to resolve issues related to Pacific War victims (including military and paramilitary personnel, the Girls Volunteer Labor Corps and Japanese military comfort women).
6. The current status of former comfort women.
There were initially 172 victims registered as former comfort women in Korea, afterwards this number subsequently increased to 192. Unfortunately, over the last few years a considerable number or these women have passed away and there are slightly over 150 remaining at present. Of the nine former comfort women plaintiffs that filed the “lawsuit demanding compensation for Korean Pacific War victims,” one has withdrawn from the case and a further two have passed away. Moreover, most of the remaining former comfort women are in and out of hospital on a daily basis and are unlikely to be with us for much longer.
One of the victims, who is in relatively good health, was discharged from hospital on October 23, but other 6 former comfort women,are basically unable to leave the house. Elsewhere, the other has been taken in by a welfare foundation managed by a religious organization, but is continuously in a great deal of pain. Moreover, another slipped on some ice and injured her shoulder over winter and, despite having been operated on, continued frequent relapses have resulted in her suffering from arthritis. A few days ago, she accidentally consumed 15 days worth of medication, which she had received from the hospital, in five days and was temporarily in critical condition, but thanks to measures such as having her stomach pumped she narrowly escaped serious harm. One has become blind after completely losing her sight when she developed a cataract.
These former comfort women are gradually losing their sight and hearing and have a great deal of difficulty living independently. The Society for Bereaved Families is working on constructing support centers and welfare facilities to look after them, but it just isn’t enough.
In addition to this, more than ten of the fifty-six former comfort women who made registration to the Society for Bereaved Families have passed away. We are also trying to trace the whereabouts of certain former comfort women who we have lost contact with. At present the former comfort women don’t have a great deal of time left as they will not be with us for much longer. We need to do everything possible to enable them to rid themselves of the ill-feeling in their hearts while they are still with us and the Japanese government in particular needs to open its eyes to their situation.
7. Matters the Asian Women’s Fund should be aware of
On December 6, 1992, the Society for Bereaved Families filed a “lawsuit demanding compensation for Korean Pacific War victims” at the Tokyo District Court. The 35-strong list of plaintiffs was made up of military and paramilitary personnel and three former Japanese military comfort women.

On April 13, 1992, six additional former comfort women were added to the list of plaintiffs bring the total to nine former comfort women. However, following the deaths of two former comfort women, the case was rejected at the first ruling (March 5, 2002; Tokyo District Court) due to the comfort women not being recognized. At the second ruling (July 22, 2003; Tokyo District Court), Shin Mi-Ja’s claims were partially recognized, but the remainder of the case was rejected. The case is currently pending appeal (August 2003) in the Supreme Court.

The purpose of this trial is to demand that Japan accept direct responsibility for abducting young girls aged between ten and fifteen.5th year elementary school to 2nd year senior school (equivalent to 2nd year junior high school today).under the pretense of allowing them to continue their studies. It should also be noted however that we were unsuccessful in trying to add members of the Girls Volunteer Labor Corps to the list of plaintiffs on the grounds that corporate organizations were directly responsible for them being exploited in munitions factories and killed by wartime gunfire.

A number of members of the Girls Volunteer Labor Corps have filed individual suits against corporate organizations but none of them have been successful. Members of the Korean Girls Volunteer Labor Corps, who were victims of the same war, were forced to carry out heavy labor in poor conditions whilst suffering from hunger pains and some were even subjected to sexual violence similar to that experienced by comfort women. As a result of a nightmarish experience where they suffered a range of human rights violations, including violations that resulted in physical disabilities, the majority of these women have developed heart conditions and many have died. The number of these women still alive is even fewer than the number of remaining former comfort women.

Their wish is to receive a sincere apology and fitting compensation from Japan within their remaining years in order restore their honor, release them from the suffering that this nightmarish experience has caused and put an end to their feelings of ill will and bitterness.
8. Projects that should be carried out on a continuous basis by the Asian Women’s Fund
If the AWF genuinely does have the goal of working to benefit women, it is only natural that resolving issues related to members of the Girls Volunteer Labor Corps be treated in the same manner as the comfort women issue.
It should be pointed out that the process of managing the non-government fund and bringing it to an end has had the reverse effect of generating ill will towards Japan amongst war victims and surrounding countries rather than recovering their trust due to concerns that Japan intends to scale down its post-Pacific War settlement to just the issue of military comfort women alone, which is merely the tip of the iceberg, and cover up other areas. In addition to requesting that the AWF wakes up to taking these issues seriously and be reborn as a mechanism that will do everything within its power to genuinely tackle issues relating to war victims, the Society for Bereaved Families expects the AWF to fulfill the following roles.
A “restoration of honor through an in-depth investigation into and disclosure of the facts and an official apology” in the Diet should be promoted in response to the violation of former Japanese military comfort women’s and members of the Girls Volunteer Labor Corps’ rights.

The construction of welfare and medical facilities in Korea for former Japanese military comfort women and members of the Girls Volunteer Labor Corps should be promoted.

The establishment of a Committee for the Promotion of Compensation for Korean Pacific War Victims, (including former comfort women and members of the Girls Volunteer Labor Corps) within the Japanese Diet should be promoted in the name of women.

In terms of AWF-run projects, future priority should be given to welfare projects for Korean Pacific War victims, as was initially promised.

Despite the fact that it was officially announced that the \100 billion for “Peace, Friendship, and Exchange Initiative” was set up for the benefit of neighboring countries that had suffered as a result of the Pacific War, even now, nine years later, war victims do not know anything about the running or contents of this fund. The Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs should disclose a breakdown of how this fund is financed straight away and the AWF should take the initiative to ensure that the remaining money in this fund is used for projects that will benefit war victims.

The establishment of a Peace Fund Support System within the AWF to work with victim support groups all over the world should be promoted in order to ensure that all countries can work together in harmony to let people know about the horrors experienced by Pacific War victims the world over and thus aspire towards peace and the prevention of war.

The establishment of a “system for revising and eliminating reckless statements from textbooks that distort historical facts” within the AWF should be promoted to bring about a change in historical awareness in Japan. Moreover, genuine peace and friendship between Japan and countries that suffered at the hands of Japan should be promoted based on efforts made by women.

I am pleased to have been invited to take part in this roundtable meeting with the AWF, which is moving forward to a new beginning, and to have had the opportunity to speak to you frankly from the victims’ perspective, something that had not been possible previously. Although my objections have unfortunately not made for easy listening, I am grateful to have been given the chance to speak openly. I hope that the AWF will not continue to tread in the ill-advised footsteps of the non-government fund in the future, but act in a manner that fully and genuinely displays the true conscience of women, so as to resolve issues relating to Pacific War victims. I hope to be able to convince Japan that the way to become one of the leading nations in the world is to regain the trust of other countries in Asia by showing commitment to moving forward in the right direction.
9. Conclusion
When I first started to seek out former Japanese military comfort women, I encountered a great deal of suffering and hardship. Efforts to persuade them resulted in further hardships to overcome and I lost count of the number of times I was brought to tears. However, in some small way, all this hardship has brought results; the issue of Japanese military comfort women has been brought to the world’s attention and the shock this has caused people the world over has caused it to rapidly become a global issue.

In a different sense, through the inhuman behavior of the Japanese military towards women during a time of war, this issue has effectively emphasized the horror of war. Moreover, I know that this issue has brought women’s human rights the world over into relief and formed a solid foundation for the protection of women, not only in terms of Japan but throughout the world wherever there are countries in which war breaks out.

I think we could even take pride in the fact that, by educating the world about this most painful of issues for women to ensure that it cannot possibly recur in the future, this issue has furthered the development of women’s human rights and will go down in the history of women’s human rights as a major achievement.

Therefore, although I realize that the AWF experienced considerable growing pains at the time of its establishment, the fact that the AWF has ultimately fulfilled its role in helping to reduce the pain and anguish that the many long-suffering former comfort women have faced is appreciated. In comparison to the extreme suffering experienced by Japanese military comfort women in war-affected countries throughout Southeast Asia at that time, the establishment and implementation of funds may only be a partial solution, but it has also helped resolve a significant number of problems. Therefore, although we cannot acknowledge that Japan has fulfilled its moral obligations as a nation, we can appreciate that this has yielded considerable results in that it has substantially reduced feelings of hostility towards war victims in the hearts and minds of the people of Japan.

From now on, the Japanese government needs to use the AWF to show a remorseful, apologetic attitude and eliminate criticism that they are “trying to reach a scaled-down solution” by expanding work undertaken, which has previously been limited to former comfort women, to include war victims in general. Japan has to work towards putting an end to war victims’ feelings of dissatisfaction and hostility and bringing about a genuine reconciliation.

If these issues are not resolved now, as war victims reach the end of their lives, their bitterness will remain forever. This would surely become a burden that would weigh heavily on the hearts of the people of Japan. If Japan were to show genuine remorse, this would be transmitted to the rest of the world through the war-affected countries of Southeast Asia and the war victims. My advice is that Japan should do everything possible to put its altered conscience into practice and take action.

The meaning of “The Assistance for War Victims”
Kim Jeong-Im The Society for the Bereaved Families of Pacific War Korea
I would like to thank you for inviting war victims, who have gone through such regrettable experiences, here today. As a member of the Society for Bereaved Families of Pacific War, I was involved in the Care Center, which we ran in cooperation with former comfort women, from 1996 onwards. When these elderly women, who live alone, were in poor health or feeling lonely all on their own, they would come together at the Care Center and dispel their pent-up feelings of resentment or sing songs together. I know that Ms. Usuki, representative of the Association to clarify the post-war responsibility of Japan (Hakkiri-kai) shed sweat and tears in doing everything possible to help the Society for Bereaved Families and former comfort women. People from a range of groups, such as the Hakkiri-kai, high school teachers in Tokyo and citizens of Hiroshima have visited us at the care Center and worked in cooperation with us. I myself have visited Japan on a number of occasions accompanied by Kim Hak-Sun. On these occasions I have received extremely kind words from the Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary. I tried asking whether it will be possible to continue developing the Care Center and whether it will be possible for the Society for Bereaved Families of Pacific War and the former comfort women to continue managing the Care Center with backing form Japanese support organizations. For a while the former comfort women ran the Care Center happily, but as a result of factors such as the issue of whether they should accept the non-government fund that was established or not, the Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan and opposition even from within the Society for Bereaved Families of Pacific War itself, the management of the center started to suffer. Unfortunately Kim Hak-Sun, who I mentioned a moment ago, passed away and I was only able to manage the Care Center for one and a half years. The Care Center ceased to exist and I heard from a great deal of people who were deeply upset by this fact and wanted to know if the former comfort women would be running the center any longer or if it would reopen. I am very much aware of the fact that these elderly women have undergone regrettable experiences. I also sat in on the 13-year trial and wanted to do everything within my power to support the former comfort women in the volunteer spirit. However, the Society for Bereaved Families of Pacific War has run into financial difficulties and the fact is that we have been unable to provide satisfactory support for these women. Although the former comfort women have received some small measure of support from the Korean and Japanese governments, but the bereaved of the members of the Society of Bereaved Families of Pacific War have not received any sort of support along these lines.
Although I look at things objectively, I personally lost my father in the war. My mother lost her husband, leaving her to lead a lonely life. I view the former comfort women in the same way as a view my mother; as extremely unfortunate individuals. We, the members of the Society for Bereaved Families of Pacific War, and the former comfort women work together and they do their best, but the majority of these women are over the age of 80. In the case of one of the comfort woman victims, she is unable to speak properly and cannot even drink a glass of water without someone helping her. I find it mortifying to think that we could be running the Care Center to help and take care of women such as this.
My mother was a victim of the war, but she has passed away now. I consider myself to be a victim of the war as well. I don’t know what my own father looked like and cannot even go and look for his remains. Rather than the former comfort women acting alone, I believe that, although there will be a number of problems to overcome, all the victims of the war should join hands and work together to reach settlements and resolve the issues of our suffering in the pasts one by one.
Amongst the members of the bereaved families, there are those who survived their time in the Japanese military as military or paramilitary personnel and subsequently returned home. There are even those who lost limbs during the war. I know an elderly gentleman who has fallen ill and is suffering immensely. These people are also in unfortunate, difficult positions. People such as these have been abandoned by the Japanese and Korean governments and do not receive any assistance whatsoever. I think that they deserve to receive the same sort of support. As a woman, I am very much aware of how unfortunate the former comfort women’s situation is. Therefore, they should receive priority treatment, but I feel that something should be done to reach out and help all war victims in all of the various colonies.
I have known Ms. Usuki for 15 years and I think that she suffered a great deal when she came to Korea. As there are a large number of people in Korea that harbor extreme resentment within their hearts as a result of the scars left behind by the war, I think that carrying out activities in an environment like that must have been very hard. Nevertheless, she spoke to victims of the war very kindly and helped us a great deal in any way possible. I was as saddened to hear the news about her as I was to hear the news about my father. I think that is unfortunate that, despite the fact that she wants to do something to help war victims, she cannot do so because of the various conditions imposed on her. I hope that she will find an area where she can accomplish this sort of work and that we can work hand in hand to lay the foundations to ensure that problems such as these are resolved.
The Asian Women’s Fund claims that all issues have been resolved, but they have not consulted the Society for Bereaved Families of Pacific War at all. The Society for Bereaved Families of Pacific War has not received any support from the Korean or Japanese governments whatsoever. I have already mentioned that my father belonged to the Japanese military and died in the war, but I was unable to find out even whether he was dead or alive. Fortunately, during the course of following the trial in Japan I was able to find out that my father had died. There is one thing above all else that I want to say to the Japanese people and the Japanese government; despite the fact that war victims, including my father, lost their lives because of the Japanese people and government, why have you offered no word of explanation? I find this intolerable.
Having lost my father at the age of three, a huge range of bitter feelings in various senses have built up inside me. In addition to not even knowing what my father looked like, I am lacking in knowledge due to the fact that his absence meant that I could not attend school. I think that, having listened to the opinions of victims who have actually suffered as a result of the war here today, you will be able to properly appreciate how we feel. Now, what we would like you to tell the Japanese government about our situation. The Japanese Government stated that that they have made a mistake, so they must compensate us based on consideration of the mistakes they have made in the past. My father was taken away to go to war and had his youth ruined. In a sense, I myself, who was unable to go to school, get enough food to eat or even be held by my own father, also had my youth taken away from me. I don’t think that anyone who has not experienced something like this could fully understand, but in this sense we have suffered a great deal. I would just like to say that we hope that we . the Korean government, the Japanese government and all the victims of the war . can all work together in cooperation, to resolve these issues in the future.

The Comfort Women Issue and Students’ Reactions in Korea
Won-Woong Lee Kwandong University Korea
1. Introduction
More than 50 years after the end of World War II, Japan's wartime conduct remains a source of bitterness between Japan and other Asian countries, particularly China and Korea. The comfort women issue has been considered as one of the thorny ‘historical issues’ between Korea and Japan. It surely is a very difficult question to solve because it has mixed with political sentiment. Nationalist groups in both countries take full advantage of this issue as well.
It constitutes uncertainties regarding the construction of future East Asian regional order. It has become a political obstacle to establish a new relationship among East Asian countries after the War. It has brought emotional reactions in both of the countries and mobilized political sentiment to blame each other. Sometimes it has prevented the development of the constructive diplomatic relationship between two neighboring countries. It is standing like an old hindrance in the way of the emerging East Asian economic and security community. It is interrupting any development of friendship and feeling of intimacy between both of civil societies.
Nobody can answer to this question easily at this moment. But we need to proceed beyond this troublesome question not only because of the necessity of solution of the past problems but also because of the task of building a peaceful future order in East Asia. Korea should take an initiative to reunification process. This cannot be accomplished without political as well as huge economic support from Japan. Japan should be slipping out of its historical trap and could appear on the world stage as a normal state. This also need political as well as diplomatic support from her neighbors, especially from Korea. Both countries are sharing democratic values and vigorous market economy. Both are depending on each other more and more in many spheres such as security and economic fields. In this regard, we have to find out a path to breakthrough anyway. Then how can we start to tackle this question?

2. The significance of the student group
I do not try to give a comprehensive answer to this question right now. I’d rather raise a more practical question how to continue and how to revive a bilateral civilian solidarity between two countries coping with this issue. I would like to suggest that strengthening ties between younger generations in both societies could be a key to solution. It seems to be a more important and practical approach to establish a link between younger generations in both societies. Under this consideration, I would like to suggest a long-term as well as bottom-up approach taking notice of dynamics and changing aspects of Korean society.
Students group has a great significance in the Korean political scene during democratization process. The Korean students are very energetic and they like to participate in most of the key political issues. They initiated and played a major role in people power uprisings both in 1960 and in 1987. They are recognized as one of the major supporting groups for the incumbent president Mr. Rho Moo Hyun who elected in last December. As they have taken progressive role in the political scene in Korea, it is very important to understand their attitude toward Japan and history issues as well. I wish this presentation could contribute to depict this attitude and can indicate direction of future development of Korean society.
I would like to underline the changing aspect of the perception on the history issues among Korean university students. And also I tried to find out a truth of the Korean people without interruption from journalism as well as politics. I am trying to tell you a candid reaction of them.
Before showing how Korean young students think about this issue, let me bring an introductory chapter regarding on the development of the issue and the political sources of the civilian movements on the issue in Korea.
I have collected college students’ book reviews on the AWF’s works for last two years. I also organized student forum on the issue between two countries last July with hearty support from the AWF. This presentation is mainly relying on these experiences of my own.

3. Social components of the civil movement regarding the issue
In Korea the comfort women issue began to emerge only in the late 1980s. The international community began to hear about the comfort women issue from December 1991, when a number of Koreans, including three former comfort women, filed a class action suit against the Japanese government on behalf of former soldiers, paramilitary, and bereaved families demanding compensation for the violation of human rights of certain categories of Koreans under Japanese colonial rule. A major political impact of the lawsuit has been widening the bi-national dispute into the universalistic issue of women's human rights.
It was the complete denial by a Japanese official at a Diet session in June 1990 of any governmental involvement in the recruitment of comfort women that spurred the formation of the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan (hereafter referred to as the Korean Council) in November 1990. The coalition of 22 Korean civic groups, the Korean Council demanded that Tokyo offer an official apology to the victims, compensate them, establish a memorial for the deceased and describe the trafficking of wartime sex slaves in Japanese history textbooks.
Generally speaking, Korean government has been reluctantly involved in this issue. They are facing a lot of public pressure to show more determined gesture to Japanese party whenever Japanese right wing groups and politicians reiterating their impunity and innocence to war crime. The more voices and freedom came in Korean society after democratization, the more pressure burdened on the government to take some diplomatic measures toward Japan. And these kinds of public blaming and shaming are stimulating the Japanese right wing and the public to react negatively on the history issue more. But diplomatic means doesn’t go farther because it costs vital common interests with Japan such as economic as well as security cooperation. At this moment there is no possibility of taking any initiatives from Korean government regarding this issue.
However Korean civil society approaches are stronger and more resolute ones. Several NGOs have formed to deal with this issue under the different causes in line with social dynamics of Korea. They are representing some feminists groups, nationalists groups, and general human rights defenders. They made a coalition with other movement groups like environmentalists, peace activists, and anti-American activists groups to cope with this issue. In a political sense they share a common interest to fight against government and conservative sectors in Korea. I will give more details on their political sources to mobilize people and social capital.
(1) NGOs
NGOs are major organizational sources of civil society to mobilize public participation on this issue in Korea. The development of NGO participation is directly related to democratization process. In other word most of the main stream NGOs came to exist in accordance with the people power movement. Most of them shared ideological background. Most of their leaders recruited from student activist groups. Some NGOs originated from the religious activism. This background gives us an answer the question why Korean NGOs are strongly bound each other. In a political sense the mainstream of the Korean NGOs could be considered as one group of the political origin even though their fields of concern are different.
Taking the comfort women issue as one of the key agenda for 90s’ they started to campaign pressing both of the governments, Korea and Japan. Setting the agenda and action programs, the NGO coalition preoccupied and monopolized this issue in the public sphere. They formed various international networks on the issue. They have brought it to some international bodies like UN Commission on Human Rights, Sub-commission, ILO and UN Conference in Beijing. They constituted the International Civilian Tribunal in Tokyo in 2001. They have organized a series of weekly demonstrations in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul for 11 years.
Though the NGO coalition still has great influence on this issue, their driving force has declining in these days. Some key figures have retired and some went into the politics or cabinet members. Some are tired of the issue. A sexual abuse scandal by one of the key figures in those NGOs broke out some years ago. Generational change and organizational transformation are taking place in the major NGOs to catch up the rapid change in Korean society.
Korean NGO movement that has presented dynamics and participatory aspects of the democratizing civil society is now at the crossroad and is facing a new challenge. It still remains as one of the key questions for the Korean NGO movement how to recruit new generations with new leadership and how to catch up changing public interests in different perspectives. It is closely related to the dynamics of political interaction between state and society in Korea. Changing aspects of NGOs will be an important factor impacting on the direction of public debate regarding the comfort women issue in Korea in the long run.

The Feminist group is regarded as one of the most active and major elements concerning this issue. The feminist movement began to emerge in line with the modernization process in Korean society. University students, women intellectuals, women highbrows and religious groups who equipped with and also influenced by the western feminist theories have challenged traditional values and the men-dominated social orders. The comfort women issue gave them a chance to appeal their causes and publicize the feminist issue in the whole society. They are emphasizing the sexual abuses aspect by men-dominated militarism in this issue. Some feminist activists are criticizing the nationalist group saying that their perception is too narrow to see the structural causes of the problem in the comfort women issue.


Most of the activists with regard to the comfort women issue seem to be influenced by Korean nationalism as such. Nationalism has been one of the most significant engines in Korean social movement because Korea is still a divided country. In more general mode of cultural context, anti-Japanese feeling and a sense of victimization embedded in Korean public established by their colonial experiences have made a background for vitality and enlivenment of the nationalist motivation on the movement. It is very interesting that some feminist groups are criticizing the nationalist motivation on the issue. They are arguing that nationalism disguising the real cause of the comfort women issue and misleading the movement to just bashing Japan.
With the rapid economic development and democratization in Korea, nationalism has been gaining more attraction from the public in a different way from old times. If the movement would be motivated and supported by the strong sense of nationalism it might result in being politicized by the political interest and being easily manipulated by the politicians. And this will impact negatively on other diplomatic issues between both of the countries in the long run.
(5) Human Rights
Human rights issues have been a vivid motivation leading the civil movement in Korea. During military dictatorship to say nothing of Japanese colonial rule, Korean people had been experienced cruel human rights abuses. The Korean younger generations are showing more concern on human rights issues. The compulsory aspect of enslaved military sexual workers during wartime drew more attention to human rights activists.
Sometimes human rights activism can go hand in hand with other motivation like feminism and nationalism without any contradictions. However human rights motivation is different from nationalist activism in terms of their universal perspective. Even if feminism shares much of the doctrine with human rights idea, its theoretical origin is different. Regarding to this point it is needed more advocacy for human rights aspect of the movement. The comfort women issue should not be considered as just another cause to blame Japan but a historical lesson for human rights promotion worldwide.

4. Students reactions on the issue
Then how react did students on the comfort women issue? The most striking finding is their maturity in attitude toward Japanese. At the first glace, their emotional reaction is not quite different from that of the general Korean public. Most of them showed angers against sexual abuses and deep sympathy for the grandmothers who served as sexual slaves and destroyed themselves in disgrace and shame. They accused Japanese government not for taking any measures of responsibilities on the history issues.
However they are mature and sophisticated enough to look at broader contexts on the issue. They understand the deep causes of the sexual slavery system. They know the necessity of building a more concrete relationship between civilian groups in two countries. Their rationale for solution is broader and more sensible than that of Korean movement NGOs. Some are addressing harsh criticism on the ‘all-at-once’ strategy by the major Korean NGOs. They are well aware of danger in the emotional approach to the issue. The following four points are selected for better understanding of their changing attitude. I hope their candid and sincere reaction on the issue could give some ‘comfort’ to those who are tired of fighting for the comfort women issue and better relationship between Korea and Japan.
(1) Conceptualizing the issue as a human rights abuse issue, specially under the
circumstances of the military dominated society during wartime …As I was reading this book I was saying to myself not to hate Japanese people. We cannot say all the Japanese are bad people… It was Japan as itself to be guilty. Even if Japanese government had issued a public apology their deep sorrow and suffering cannot be erased at all… (Jae-Myung LEE, Dept. Environmental Industry)
…This issue had been hided from public concern before human rights movement was becoming to draw public attention in both countries…This issue could be publicized in line with the development of human rights movement in Japan…The comfort women issue shows us an example of the double forced abuse and exploitation of minority groups by imperialism as well as by men… (Hye-young Kim, Dept of geography education)
(2) Understanding and appreciating the Japanese civil movement and civilian efforts to solve
the history issues … I realized that there are many good Japanese who feel guilty and responsibilities to the comfort women. This made me to have interest in this book because I didn’t know the fact. I thought that Japanese are not saying any sorry for the issue. (Jae Hong Park, Dept. Information & Communications)
…At first we have to know about Japan correctly…we still have unforgettable memory against Japan. Japan is a country of remote even it located very close to Korea. However we have to overcome such an emotional bound toward Japan. And also Japanese should stop distorting the historical facts. We have to consider the history not as a matter of past but as a matter of present as well as future. (Tae Sun Park, Dept. international trading)
…I feel proud of the Japanese people who dare to say with a kin observational ability what everybody like to forget about. I was impressed by their conscientious activities to say even their nation’s fault. Everybody likes to conceal his mistake. Owing to this kind of people Japan could achieve her status as a leading countries in the world.
(Won Ja Hwang, Dept. management)
…We have to recognize a changing aspect of Japanese society. We have to notice of the existence of Japanese who like to compensate for their misconduct although they are still minority in Japan. If we do not pay attention to them and look down upon them there is no future between two countries. (Chol wook Jeong, dept. North Korean Studies)
(3) Awareness of the necessity to build more constructive relationships between Korean and
Japanese civil society for the future …Korean and Japanese NGOs need to cooperate and make solidarity more and more. This is not only for the solution of this problem but because of the fact that we, two peoples are destined to live in the community of the same fortune. (Tae-Ryeon Jeon, Dept. Information & Communications)
…We need to review why the international solidarity for this issue has failed; we have to understand the social factors in the weakness of Japanese civil movement and the limitations of the international solidarity. And we have to make more solid cooperation network with Japanese civil society as Koreans change their biased attitude on Japan to draw legal responsibility of Japan on historical misdoings. (Guy Hon Choi, dept geography education)
(4) Preferring development of a long term and multiple approach …This problem cannot be solved in a short period. It will take a long time to settle this problem after making more efforts to exchange between two peoples. I hope that the real thoughts of Japanese people could reach to Korean people. I can understand the real purpose of the AWF to help the Grandmothers even though the power is quite small as such. It is the most important thing to access them and to help them to know what they mostly need. Because they are poor and need help… I hope that the AWF’s activities could be known to the Korean in more detail. And more Korean people could understand the AWF’s hearty efforts. Now as we do not understand the cultural differences each other, we need to more exchange and mutual understanding. As a Korean citizen I would like to appreciate for the AWF as well as all those Japanese people to send money and warm letters for the Grandmothers. This book helps me to change my biased perception on the issue. Thank you for correcting my narrow view. (Hoon Namkung, Dept. engineering and industry)
…Regarding to the solution, there has an argument between government-compensation-first stance and civilian-compensation- first stance. I think both are needed. It is important to show real heart of nation as much as to make compensation by government. It will take long time to make government compensation we have to make efforts to solve in long-term perspective. And we don’t distort the AWF’s activities and have to recognize the voluntary participation of Japanese people to deliver their personal apology because it is genuine one. The victimized country like Korea pressed the grandma not to accept the compensation money from the AWF on the ground that this can make an excuse for the Japanese government to escape from the historical responsibilities. However I think this is a really wrong way. I think the first thing we have to consider is not what NGOs and government want but what the victims themselves need most. (Dong-yu Jeong, Dept. environmental industry)

5. Conclusion: the way to go
-The Korean younger generations are showing more flexible and rational attitudes on the issue. They are more independent from nationalist sentiment.
-This can give us a hint for the future strategies.
-To see the issue with the broader and universal perspective
-Underlining the necessity of building and strengthening a network between Korean and Japanese civilian leaderships.
-Broadening the chance of contact and visiting program between younger generations in both countries
-History should not be an obstacle to the future but a new source of cooperation between two peoples
-Under guidance of the UN slogan which reads “think globally, act locally” the AWF should broaden its activity to cover more issues in this region like women refugee issues, humanitarian aids issues, protection maternity and protection of younger generation from the sexual abuse, etc.. I would like concluding my presentation quoting from a student’s note with regard to the AWF’s future role as follows.
…the AWF can hardly be said as a NGO because the Japanese government had involved in its foundation…however it should continue to exist and operate as an independent organization from government at least in a spiritual sense though its legal status can hardly be changed easily. If it cooperates with other Asian NGOs and consolidate civilian solidarity with them, it can contribute to solve the enmity and misunderstanding which was generated by history between Korea and Japan… (Bong Su KIM, Dept. engineering and construction)

The Situations of Pilipino “Comfort Women“
Rechieda A. Extmadura
On behalf of all the victims-survivors of Lila-Pilipina, we would like to extend warm greetings to all participants of the roundtable meeting, the comfort women groups represented today, all staffs and members of the Asian Women’s Fund, friends and guests.
We are glad to have been invited and given the opportunity to present our position on this important gathering. We do hope this activity will bring us to the immediate and appropriate resolution of the issue at hand.
The eleven-year struggle of the Filipino comfort women took shape at the shores of the Philippines in 1992. Task Force on Filipino Comfort Women (TFFCW), formed on July 13,1992, was founded by seven women’s organizations to provide a national support mechanism for justice for Filipino comfort women survivors. The Task Force started a public awareness campaign. Maria Rosa Luna Henson at 65 years old became the first Filipino comfort women to publicly recount her story as a military sex slave in Angeles, Pampanga for nine months. Since then, more and more women victims have come out through the active campaign and support of the TFFCW. On May 16, 1994, a national assembly and consultation of TFFCW members and comfort women survivors resulted in the formation of Lila Pilipina. On June 25 of the same year, Lila-Pilipina was formally launched.
1. The Fifty Years of Silence
During the fifty years of silence, these former comfort women suffered in all aspect of their lives from the bitter trauma of their experience during World War II. Physically, they Bore wounds, scars and disabilities due to the brutal treatment they received during the forced abductions and incarcerations at garrison. They serve as painful reminders of their experience at the hands of the Japanese soldiers. Mentally, they suffer from, what is clinically known as, Post-Stress Traumatic Syndrome (PTSD). This mental illness is common among war victims or victims of natural disasters wherein they suffer from insomnia, recurring nightmares and restlessness.
Socially, these women were unable to function and e productive in society. Due to the social stigma they must hide face in their own community, many survivors opted to live in another town and start a new life. Even if others have managed to raise their own family, their past haunt them and greatly affects their relationships with the persons around them. Many of these women are uneducated, illiterate and come from a poor family. Most of them survived after the war by doing menial jobs (doing laundry, vending, domestic help).
Faced with all these hardships, it is no wonder why they only came out publicly after fifty-years. with no one to turn, how can they know what proper direction to take? Any compassionate human being surely must not take their decision to conceal their true identity and past against them.
2. From victims to survivors
The Filipino comfort women broke their personal vow of silence only when they saw and heard Lola Rosa Henson’s image and voice over the media. Finally, they have found another victim they could relate to. Finally, they ugly past is being talked about in the open. Seeing that women’s organizations and concerned people are willing to take up their cudgels, these moves gave them hope to slowly break the bondage of Lola Rosa’s call, gathered themselves and united struggle for justice.
The avalanche of support and protest actions designed to drum up the demands for justice of the Filipino comfort women and other comfort women groups in other countries shook the halls of the Japanese government. Even if the Japanese government continues to contend that the matter is already settled by signed international treaties year before (in the case of the Philippines, the San Francisco Peace Treaty), they still sought ways to atone their crimes to the victims.
3. Asian Women’s Fund for Japan’s moral obligations
The strong pressure to act on the comfort women issue gave way to the birth of the Asian Women’s Fund (AWF) in 1995. The fund disbursed atonement money and letter of apology for the survivors. The atonement money was pooled from private contributions while medical and welfare fund came from government funds.
The AWF can never take the place of the state, legal compensation the former comfort women are entitled for. The atonement money is only pittance to what the comfort women truly deserve after being through military sexual slavery in World War II. The Fund, created by virtue of a legislative and Cabinet decision, only answers the moral obligations of the Japanese government and will not completely atone for the war crimes committed to these women.
For 11 years, the Philippine government has neglected the Filipino comfort women and their struggle. From the 173 documented cases of Lila-Pilipina, 88 lolas have accepted the fund and used the fund to support their struggle, themselves and their families. The remaining number opted to stand their ground and chose to ignore the fund. Such in the case of a Lola in Davao. Even in her deathbed, she did not accept the AWF.
While it is true that the survivors benefited with the atonement money, those benefits are fleeting and does not answer the need of the former comfort women for closure. The survivors, like before the AWF, live in dire conditions and still suffer the social stigma in varying levels.
Upon the acceptance of the atonement money, many feared that this would weaken the resolve of the Filipino comfort women. Doubts have also been cast on the sincerity of the Filipino comfort women to work for the attainment of justice from the Japanese government.
But as the years have shown, the lolas and advocates under Lila-Pilipina continues to vigorously work for their demands against the Japanese government and Philippine government.
Humanitarian support for the victims should be done in context of resolving the comfort women issue. The victim-survivors refuses to accept any humanitarian aid (e.g. medical package) from the Japanese government due to the continuing inaction on their demands.
4. Resolution to the comfort women issue
We maintain our position that the resolution the Filipino comfort women are looking for lays in the immediate action on their demands.
The Filipino comfort women demand from the Japanese government the following:
That Japan fulfills its responsibility in the full disclosure of all information in its war archives concerning the operation of the comfort stations and the comfort women system.

Adequate compensation for the women victims and their families from the Japanese government.

For the Japanese government to include as reference in textbooks and history books the reality of military sexual slavery through “comfort women” during World War II as a war crime.

For the Japanese government to admit the use of force and violence in the conscription and treatment of the “comfort women” as military sex slaves, contrary to Japanese government report.

A formal apology to the Filipino people and specifically to the women victims and their families for having a direct hand in the conscription of Asian women for military sexual slavery.

The Filipino comfort women demands for the Philippine government:

To issue an official position declaring the comfort women system as a war crime, condemning the Japanese government in its direct involvement for institutionalized sexual

slavery and demanding formal apology and compensation for the victims and their families.

To conduct and official investigation and documentation of the comfort women issue.

To include in Philippine history the reality of the comfort women and comfort station during World War II. These include the curriculum, textbooks and other instructional materials used both in public and private educational institutions in all levels.

To build historical markers and shrines around the country for the comfort women and war victims of World War II as a reminder to the present generation of the sad realities behind wars of aggression.

To provide material support for the victims, survivors and their families.

To date, these are 39 deceased lolas while many continues to suffer from illnesses related to their age (diabetes, hypertension, rheumatism, emphysema). A Lola 89 years old, died last September 25 of natural death, is the 39th Filipino comfort women to die without seeing justice. Time is running our for the lolas. Time is also running out for the chance of the Japanese government to absolve themselves and atone for their war crimes to these women.
5. Our Aches and Gains
On April 2, 1993, 18 Filipino comfort women field a lawsuit at the Tokyo District Court of Japan Demanding post war responsibility, compensation and reparations for crimes against humanity committed during World War II. Twenty-eight more plaintiffs joined the lawsuit field on September 1993. the case was based on the violations of the following international laws. Hague Convention of 1907, International Convention of the Traffic in Women and Children, Convention concerning Forced Labor, International Customary Law and War Regulations. The plaintiffs believe that military sexual slavery is a war crime and thus, the Japanese government should recognize and uphold their legal responsibility.
The lawsuit, however, received a negative decision from the Tokyo District in October 9, 1998 as well as at the Tokyo Appellate Court in December 6, 2000. The courts argued that “individuals cannot be subjects of rights under the international law and that the “case is a state-to-state matter.” Another appeal for the lawsuit, filed in December 20, 2000, awaits verdict at the Japanese Supreme Court.
The same fate befall our class-action suit filed at the Columbia District Court, Washington D.C., USA last September 18, 2000 under the Alien Tort Claims Act. The case dismissal is also under appeal.
On the year 2000, Lila-Pilipina has actively lobbied for the compensation bill. The bill entitled, “Promotion of Resolution for Issues concerning Victims of Wartime Sexual Coercion” was filed at the Japanese Diet in 2001. The bill awaits passage at the Japanese Diet.
Last September 18, 2000, two lolas from Lila-Pilipina has received the Holocaust Foundation Award . Women of Honor and Dignity Remembered.
Another accomplishment of Lila-Pilipina is the passage of the resolution from the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights on August 31, 2001, wherein paragraphs 26 and 53 contained points favorable for the comfort women. The resolution recognizes “that the Asian Women’s Fund (AWF) has not been deemed acceptable measure by the victims-survivors.” Despite the claims of the Japanese government that the AWF answers the demand of the comfort women, the fund remains unacceptable as a form of compensation.
The Education Ministry of Japan has approved the Tsukurukai Textbooks that contained sanitized, onerous, and distorted interpretation of the Second World War in 2001. Thus, Lila-Pilipina actively registered and protested efforts of the Japanese government to erase the historical facts on comfort women. A protest-action was staged by Lila-Pilipina in front of the Japanese Embassy together with GABRIELA and Kilusang Mayo Uno (May First Movement). Lila-Pilipina also participated in international conference protesting this distortion of history.
A victorious moment for the lolas is the establishment of the first historical maker for Filipino comfort women on April 22 at Liwasang Bonifacio, sponsored by the City of Manila. The historical maker installed represented the first official recognition of a local government unit (LGU) to the existence of comfort women and comfort sites in the country. The installation of historical markers is a part of the Lila-Pilipina campaign to include the historical facts of comfort women in Philippine history.
Lila-Pilipina trooped to the Department of Education (DepEd) last September 15, 2003 to demand for a departmental order requiring the curriculum, history textbooks and other instructional materials to include the facts on comfort women. The delegation presented a petition with more than five thousand signatures to press for the historical inclusion of the comfort women in Philippine history.
Filipino comfort women delivered a resounding “No to US War in Iraq!” on its protest actions in front of U.S. Embassy and Mendiola. Carrying placards with words “Learn from the lessons of World War II” and “No to US Wars of Aggression!” the lolas affirmed their position against wars of aggression, specifically that of the U.S. The lolas reiterated that that as victims of military sexual slavery during the World War II, they continuously fight against any form of militarism and violence that mostly affect women and children.
6. Looking Forward
As work to redeem the past, we must also look into the future. The demands of the comfort women in order to attain justice lies on the premise that military sexual slavery shall not be and must not be repeated. This responsibility largely falls on the present and future generations. thus, we must ensure measures are taken so that the historical truth on the comfort women and the horrible effects of wars of aggression must be included in the education of our youth. This is a very valuable lesson today, as we lay witness to regional wars and U.S. aggression package as ‘war on terror’. We, lolas and advocates and future generations, need assurance that military sexual slavery will never happen again. Recent developments (e.g. amending Article 9, deployment of peace-keeping troops) are very alarming because these pave way to the resurgence of Japan’s militarism. We raise fears and strongly condemn the position of the Japanese government and the Philippine government in support of the U.S. led so-called ‘war and terror’. We join the Japanese people in their call for that is based on justice. We must not lay witness to another generation of comfort women.

Support Networks for Sexually Violated Wartime Women The Taiwan Experience
Yvonne Mei Jung Lin Taipei Grass-roots Women Workers Centre
Su-jun Huang Lee The Community Women’s Association Taiwan
The plight of sexually violated wartime women was brought to the public's attention in 1992 when three Taiwanese victims boldly narrated their stories behind the veil of curtains and tears. Soon after, more and more women sought help from Taipei Women’s Rescue Foundation, TWRF, a NGO commissioned by the government to assist women who were sexually violated during the war. By 1996, TWRF accounted far 78 survivors, including 14 aboriginal women.
How should Taiwanese society take concrete action to care far these women, now in their old age? In 2000, the Women's International War Crimes Tribunal in Tokyo gave Women's organizations in Taiwan a reason and opportunity to unite behind this issue. Support far comfort women grew from a single government-commissioned NGO to a coalition of 19 NGOs that united to form the "Taiwan Action Alliance for the 2000 Tokyo Tribunal. " The alliance sent 57 representatives to attend the tribunal and accompany 12 survivors who testified. The cost of the trip was 63% subsidized by the government and 27% covered by donations. Their participation was significant because the tribunal prompted them to examine the issue of comfort women from a critical historical perspective.
The Taiwanese government has given condolence sums of 500,000NT each to a total of 42 victims. Additionally, fundraising efforts by civic organizations have resulted in 500,000 NT payments to each victim. Although these elderly and ill women are covered by national health insurance and are entitled to special living stipends upon application, they still must find ways to cover the burdensome costs of hospice care, taxi fare to the hospital and dietary supplements. Some women have expressed worry that they don't have enough money for funeral preparations, especially if they are alone without family.
Later I would like to ask Ms. Su-Jun Huang LEE, who leads a different women’s organization, to say a few words about government support and the case of three women who made a similar declaration to this one previously in 1992.
I am grateful to the Asian Women’s Fund (AWF) for the support they have kindly provided me with. The image I always remember is that of a woman with a smile on her lips due to receiving a latter of apology and the feeling of being saved. There may not be many people like this, but the fact remains that there are people like this out there. All I want to say here today is that there are people who have been saved thanks to your actions and people who feel that they themselves have been saved.
These women are witnesses to a wartime tragedy of the 20th century and are gradually disappearing from society. Of the 26 women who are still living today, 8 of them are appealing their cases at the local courts in Tokyo. After the tribunal, we continue to ask, how do we help these women continue with their lives? How can we alleviate their pain so that they can walk out of the dark shadows that have haunted their lives for decades? To this end, we published the book Listen, Look, Think, asking society to listen to the voices of these old women, look at the limitations to legal assistance, and think about what we should do. We cooperated with schools to bring this issue to the attention of young people through lectures, symposiums and book promotions.
The harrowing problem of sexual exploitation remains with us into the 21st century and has only been worsened by the process of globalization. As a primarily receiving country in the trafficking of women, Taiwan is the transit stop of many Southeast Asian women who are then sold to other countries. Additionally, Taiwanese women fall into the trap of the mafia and are sold to brothels in Japan. Hsiulin Village of Hualien County, the home of many aboriginal wartime victims, currently has the nation’s highest rate of trafficking in young girls. Similarly, many young girls who immigrate to Taiwan for marriage come from Indonesian villages where many comfort women have been discovered.
The international community must pay more attention to the grave problem of trafficking in young women. Human trafficking is a transnational problem that no country is able to solve on its own. However, due to international politics, Taiwan is often deprived of the means to work with other governments in combating transnational crime, which becomes a problem for not only Taiwan but also our neighboring countries. Thus, it is extremely important that we build a strong international network of NGOs to share resources, information and experiences in the fight against human trafficking.
Su-Jun Huang LEEThe Taiwanese government provides support for “comfort women” through the Ministry of interior.Although support is provided for all women who apply, by the time the government carried outstudies, the number of surviving victims in our group had gone from being 78 in 1992 down to 42.
This number is presently just 25. Women receive Taiwanese $15,000 (approximately US$500) and support for their living needs, such as getting someone to accompany them when they wish to go out. Moreover, as Yvonne mentioned earlier, there are also activities carried out by private organizations and we have reached the point where women are provided with Taiwanese $500,000.
Before coming here I went to see an old lady who still feels that she is one of the more fortunate ones. She has a grandson-in-law who treats her very kindly indeed. She was one of the participants in the Tokyo trials. When she returned home afterwards, the media press were waiting for her with their cameras. Consequently she was photographed from all directions and images of her ended up being broadcast on television throughout the country. Seeing this came as an immense shock to her grandson and his wife; there were things that even they did not know about one of their own relatives. From that point onwards people started to phone her incessantly and criticize her for shaming her family by going public with a matter such as this. After that she became unable to leave the house. Every time she went out to go to the market, people would point at her with contempt and say things like “That’s her.” The incredibly sad truth is that she is basically living shut up inside her small apartment. She has ended up letting her imagination run away with her, thinking sad thoughts about what the point of her life has been. When we met her and heard what she had to say, we were deeply saddened. She is an 80 year old woman who can’t even leave the house because society will not accept her. This is neither her fault not that of society. I think that there is a similar sort of situation throughout East Asia. People just can’t face up to the fact that things like this happened. People think that it is shameful on the women’s behalf. People don’t recognize this issue as one of history’s tragedies, and thus cannot face up to it.
There are other women in truly terrible situations like this. I even know of a victim who lives in a graveyard. I have tried asking them the same question; “Why don’t you apply for the AWF?” Their answers show there to be a clear division between two different ways of thinking. This is true of people in Korea and people from the Philippines have also said similar things. In Taiwan too, there are those who agree with the idea of applying for and receiving funds and those who are utterly opposed to this. These people are divided based on a lack of agreement with regard to matters such as the importance of political beliefs and historic commitments. However, the times are changing and the era of militarism has been and gone. The Japanese government has said that it is unable to make a genuine official apology. I have come to the understanding that the AWF is the only possible source of help. I feel that we can use funds to do something to help women who have suffered.
These former comfort women live in extremely poor conditions. Nevertheless, there are things that can be done to help them have a better quality of life. I want to help these women obtain support through funds such as this so that they can lead better lives. I want to help them improve their standard of living. However, as you are all already well aware, there are people with a range of different opinions and there are women’s support groups that discourage women such as these from applying for support. I feel that, if anything, actions such as these are politically motivated.
I wanted to help women such as this who are in a situation where they cannot apply for support to realize that applying for help is not a bad thing. Amongst these women, there were even those who have been threatened by their government that if they submit an application to the AWF they will be thrown into jail. There were a number of women who were seriously worried about matters such as this, so we helped them changed their minds. These women said that if others were applying for the AWF, then they would do so too. Unfortunately however, they had missed the application deadline. We are hoping to find out if there is some sort of method by which they can receive money.
The Situation of Dutch “Comfort Women” Victims at the war period until today
M.J. Hamer . Monod de Froideville
Project Implementation Committee in the Netherlands the Netherlands
This script has been divided in the following subjects:
1. Why do the victims of forced prostitution have broken their silence only after approximately 50 years?
Discussed will be the following subjects:
100% Dutch women,

women of mixed race,

married women of both categories,

overall picture of the causes and consequences of the sustained psychical damage.

The living conditions of the women, forced into prostitution, after the Second World War.

The comparison to other victims in post-war circumstances.

The present living conditions of the former “Comfort Women”.

In this a distinction will be made between the women living in the so called affluent countries and women living in Indonesia. By doing so, one is able to observe a difference in the way the Project money has been spent.
5. What has been the significance of receiving the Project money to the victims of forced prostitution?
Subjects to the matter are
the importance of former Prime Minister Hashimoto’s letter of apology.

the moment of the start of the Life Improvement Project,

the question: has the “Comfort Women” issue been settled in the Netherlands by implementing the Life Improvement Project,

the way this issue really could be closed.

The issue of the male-victims of forced prostitution.

How to raise awareness in our societies, especially towards the younger generation.

1. Why do the victims of forced prostitution have broken their silence only after approximately 50 years?
To be able to answer this question considering the Dutch victims of forced prostitution, one should go back in time to look at the society, in which these women were living, before they were forced into prostitution. In this there should be made a distinction between the women, living in the previous Dutch East Indies in those days: the 100% Dutch, partial natives and the married women of both categories.
The 100% Dutch women were mainly recruited from the internment camps, whereas the women with native mothers, grand- or great grandparents, being of mixed race, were mainly from Indian origin, because of which these women had mixed blood, mainly were taken from outside the internment camps.
It is true that every victim of forced prostitution has suffered in her own individual and personal way. However I have noticed a rough, but significant distinction between the above mentioned groups, in the way they have experienced their suffering. This is an important cause of their psychical trauma’s and the way they have handled them afterwards.
Explicitly I do emphasize that my conclusions will certainly not be relevant to all the women of that specific group, but from the correspondence and the conversations with the women, the recurrent pattern has become quite obvious to me. On that account I have reached the following conclusions.
(1 ) The 100% Dutch women.
The majority of these women . at the time girls of 16 years and older (although some of them were much younger) . belonged to higher middle- and middle class families living in the previous Dutch East Indies. In general their fathers were officials and civil servants, working for the Dutch Government, planters, manufacturers and small tradesmen, etc. Most of these families had native staff employed. In those days there was a huge distance between the white employer, his family and the Indonesian servants. In spite of the often friendly treatment, there was always kept a big distance between the staff and the Dutchman. The Dutch children were not allowed to play with the native ones and to learn and speak the Malayan language. In reality, it still happened, because the servants were living on the employer’s ground as well. They were living with their own families very nearby the Dutch family and so the children always found an opportunity to rub shoulders with each other. The Dutch children were often raised and looked after by an Indonesian nanny, called “Baboe”, who was very dedicated to “her family”. Although it was “not done”, the Dutch children certainly had some relationships with the native population. Certainly it was considered not appropriate to have an intimate relationship with an Asian. Because of their upbringing, the girls were very aware of this. The humiliation therefore was even
bigger to be sexually abused and raped by Asian men. Besides before World War II, sexual education didn’t exist; this subject was taboo. One thought it not necessary, because a girl would acquire the knowledge in her marriage. In those days sexual intercourse before marriage was totally unacceptable. Even at school sex education was non existing. So these girls did not know anything about their own bodies and about the sexual deed, based on mutual love. Therefore it is evident that, because of their experiences in Japanese brothels, these girls have been seriously affected and damaged, psychically - and often as well as physically. Besides it has to be obvious, that these horrible experiences have influenced their (sexual) lives in a very negative way.
All the women, forced to prostitution, have suffered from psychical damage by the severe violation of their human honour and dignity. This, because of humiliation, sexual abuse and rape by the Japanese occupying power. To the 100% Dutch women these trauma’s are even deeper, because it is concerning Asian men.
(2) The women of mixed race.
Although several women of mixed race (a relative small percentage) have been interned in the camps as well, a large number of women of mixed race were allowed to stay outside the camps, because of a higher percentage of mixed blood. They stayed in their houses together with their children, while their husbands were taken to the male-camps or served in the army and became POW afterwards.
Life outside the camps was difficult as well. Because there wasn’t any regular income anymore the mothers faced the task, to survive with their children. In the beginning all the valuables were sold. After everything has been sold, they were very imaginative and tried to make a living by small trade. The older children took often part in this. Most of the time trading was happening outdoors. That’s why it could be possible, that members of the Japanese occupying force, often the Kempetai, caught sight of one or more of the daughters. Hereafter *) I will tell you how sometimes the community in the camps tried to protect the girls to prevent them from being taken away. The girls outside the camps had to do without this form of protection and were so to speak at liberty. They were taken from the streets or from their houses and were put up with brutal force in a Japanese brothel, in spite of the desperate appeals from their mothers, who often offered themselves instead of their daughters…. in vain.
Indeed the gap between these families and the native population was smaller, because of their mixed blood and their father’s lower position in society than the families of the 100% Dutch girls. But being neither completely white, neither Indonesian, the majority of the white as well as the autochthonous population regarded them inferior and they became quite isolated during the war. Because of the foregoing and because of the father’s absence, these families’ existence was becoming even more difficult and poorer.
Their position became very isolated. There didn’t exist a sense of solidarity, like with the Dutch women, who were put “en masse” into internment camps. The Dutch women were able to support each other, as everybody had to undergo the same fate. And although these women had lost everything, there was still some sense of solidarity by living as a group. Especially during the last years of the war, life in the camps became very difficult. But despite all the tension and the stress, most of the time they could depend on each other for support, especially important because hunger, illness and dead were part of daily life. Obviously one can tell there was some loss of human dignity, due to awful circumstances, but one cannot speak about feelings of inferiority. The group’s influence was therefore too strong. *) A perfect example: In some camps the women as a group were standing in front of the entrance gate to prevent their daughters from being taken away to the
Unfortunately one cannot speak about solidarity as a group for the families, living outside the camps. These families also had lost everything gradually, but they had to try to survive alone as a family, without the support of the group. The reason for this very difficult and isolated position, was the Japanese occupation, so they should be very afraid of a Japanese, because he personified DANGER! Coming from an inferior background already, a girl captured by the enemy outside the camps and forced to work in a Japanese brothel, had the feeling of inferiority much quicker than a Dutch girl would have. There wasn’t very much left from the pre-war reasonably good life, through the Japanese enemy’s doing and now they had to undergo all sorts of things, they did not even know the existence of. (These girls also never ever had had any sexual education). To them they seemed to have become an object, a thing: nobody was treating them as a human being, with respect. The knowledge of not having a will of one’s own had given them that feeling of inferiority and have led to serious psychological problems in their lives.
(3) The married women of both categories.
A third distinction should be made between the unmarried young girls and the already married women (thoroughbred and mixed blood), who were forced into prostitution. The married women were obviously not ignorant about the sexual side.
Most of the married women were in the group of >22 years of age. They of course were also feeling the loss of their human honour and dignity during the sexual abuses; but they held on to the idea, that they still would be valuable to their husbands. When however their husbands broke the marriage bond, after they couldn’t believe or stand the idea of their wives being abused like that, the feelings of inferiority grew stronger and stronger. Likewise the feeling to be deeply humiliated by ASIAN MEN i.c. THE ENEMY was playing an extremely important role. Noticeable at all categories in letters as well in conversations are:
intense grief, often repressed,

serious anger, mostly hardly expressed,

pent-up rage,


(4) Overall picture of the causes and consequences of the sustained psychical damage.
All the feelings, mentioned before, either in total or a mixture of them, are amongst others the reason why the women, who, in South-East Asia during World War II, were forced into prostitution by the Japanese occupying forces, have kept their silence for more then 50 years. Only a few of them had the courage to break the silence about their painful experiences during the war, after about 50 years.
Besides, an important aspect in those days is the total ignorance about the existance of these matters. As a consequence, nobody would have ever believed them, if after the war one had the courage to talk - very carefully - about this subject. The woman in question was considered a vulgar whore and a collaborator (the reason why many married women were left by their husbands and a number of them has been repudiated by their families). The women intuitively have understood this very well. Moreover they felt enormously ashamed about the fact, that this has happened to them. They didn’t want to be humiliated once again and therefore have chosen to keep “schtum”.
Not before scantily became obvious that Japan was guilty of setting up army-brothels before and during the Second World War and had recruited women against their will and often under false pretences, representatives of the Asian women, forced to prostitution, as well as the Dutch Foundation of Japanese Honorary Debts (JES), started legal proceedings in Japan to try and force the Japanese Government by law-suit to recognition, to offer apologies and to pay for compensation.
Only then, the first victims came forward very reluctantly. Two Dutch women had found the courage to come forward and express themselves in the nineties. In the mean time unfortunately many of the Dutch victims had passed away already and those, who were still alive had concealed the events in the past so thoroughly, they did not want to go through those painful experiences again.
Only after the Foundation PICN finally in 1998 has put advertisements in papers and other media worldwide with the purpose to approach this group of victims and ask them, if they wished, to apply for “The Life Improvement Project”, set up in the Netherlands by The Asian Women’s Fund to supply some sort of compensation for these women, finally 75 women and 4 men applied.
These 79 persons have been recognized by the Foundation PICN as receivers of the Project.
2. The living conditions of the women, forced into prostitution, after the Second World War.
The letters and conversations have shown the following:
A great deal of women has shared their previous miserable misfortune with their later husbands (and some even with their children). Mostly they were taken care of very well by their husbands, who have been trying to help them to get over it as much as possible. Obviously in some cases they experienced a lot of problems in their marital sexual life, but in general their spouses showed a lot of understanding.

Some women have not been able to have children, because of the brutal abuses during their stay in the brothels.

Some of them have children with the Japanese occupier. These children have been raised by the women themselves or together with their later husbands. Only a few have given up their children.

Some women have not told anything to their husbands, nor to anyone else. Because of the fear for and the impossibility of a sexual life within their matrimony, a lot of these marriages ended in divorce unfortunately. Some of them have found another partner, but the majority preferred to stay single for the rest of their life. In their letters to me, as trusted representative of the PICN, they confessed I was the very first person they have ever told their secret. Because they had chosen to apply for the “Life Improvement Project” voluntarily, they had to tell their stories, but only to me, a complete stranger. Often by putting their experiences, the done harm and their feelings in writing was although painful, it also appeared to be a big relief.

Because of their dislike of all men, some women stayed unmarried. A lot of them had never told anyone, before they told me their story. Sometimes they had confided in a member of the family.

For the rest of their lives most women have been suffering from sleeping disorders and nightmares. Some turned to be pregnant, during their stay in the Japanese brothel, after all the sexual abuses and had an abortion. These abortions, mostly performed without anaesthesia and with very primitive means, were the cause of infertility in later life. Another reason for infertility is the internal damage, caused by the abuses. If they were able to become pregnant, it was merey after intense treatment by gynaecologists and with great difficulty. One of the women is convinced of the fact, that . after having been treated intensely by gynaecologists - she finally could give birth to a mentally and physically disabled child, is due to the extremely severe abuses she underwent in a Japanese brothel.
Many women do have other physical infirmities because of the abuses in the Japanese brothels. One of them has scars for life on her breasts and belly, after being treated with a broken glass bottle by a drunk Japanese soldier. Another cannot use one of her arms properly, because it was broken after her refusal to deliver the required services. The arm is disabled for the rest of her life.
All women are suffering from psychological problems and distress. To a psychiatrist most of them did not dare to go with the result of extreme nervousness and a lot of mental problems and also physical problems, like migraine and insomnia.
3. The comparison to other victims in post-war circumstances.
Other women, who don’t have had the experiences of forced prostitution, might have been suffering from problems due to the mistreatments, humiliations and other forms of abuses, they underwent during the war as well as in Asia as in Europe. But, if they felt to it, they might have been able to talk to other people about their feelings, because these other people have witnessed these mistreatments, humiliations and/or abuses, or because of the fact that these things happened on a large scale, or were common knowledge. These war victims have also been deeply affected by World War II, but in most cases there was recognition and the possibility to share one’s fate, if only with their relatives or companions in distress. If they felt to it, they could seek professional help. This may have helped to overcome their psychological and physical problems.
It must been said that many of these war victims also were unable to talk about their war experiences and have hidden those memories deeply. They also suffer from post traumatic stress syndromes. They too have nightmares and/or suffer from other forms of expressions of fear.
In comparison with the war victims, who have not been forced into prostitution, the so called “Comfort Women” do have (had) a far more difficult life. There seems to be no difference from the outside. They also have been trying to build their lives after the war, difficult as it was, in the Netherlands or somewhere else in the world. They married, got children and looked after their families, just as other women did. Or they stayed single, got a job and lived the life of any other ordinary single woman.
However the kind of the humiliations, mistreatments and abuses, experienced by the former “Comfort Women”, has been much more severe and much more dishonourable, than those, experienced by other war victims. Their grief, the anger, the hatred and the shame could not been overcome, because they are part of a deep, never or hardly told secret.
Especially the feelings of shame and the fear to be humiliated again kept them from speaking. (Many of these women are feeling “dirty” and feel imbrued as well. Even after having a bath, the feeling of dirt will not vanish).
One of the reasons why the Dutch “Comfort Women” - in contrast with other warvictims - consciously couldn’t and wouldn’t speak about these matters until only after 50 years (some of them still can’t, even nowadays), is just to protect themselves.
Another reason is: the Dutch women have not united to a relatively strong group, in contrast with women in Asian countries. This also, because many of them emigrated after the war to various countries. They were scattered all over the world and were too busy to build a new life for themselves. The women, repatriated to the Netherlands after the war, were also very occupied in finding a new life and they have never felt the urge to unite and to operate as a group. Only very few have looked for support on a companion from the same brothel. But in general everybody was living privately, everyone with her own problems. In contrast, the Asian often did unite, however sometimes at a later stage and were therefore finally able to talk to each other or to a representative and to let one selves go.
Not before 1998 the foundation of the PICN, the Dutch women, who applied for the “Life Improvement Project”, have been able to talk about their experiences (some even for the first time) to the trusted representative of the PICN.
4. The present living-conditions of the former “Comfort Women”.
Many women returned to the Netherlands after the war. Like all the other repatriates they had to build a new life in a country, that was damaged by the Second World War. In these post-war circumstances there was less or no understanding for the situation of the repatriating war victims, because the Dutch population was dealing with their own war-past and was busy rebuilding and reconstructing the country. Only a short time ago the Dutch Government did recognize the “cold way of reception” of these war victims. To compensate this cold way of reception the Dutch Government recently did pay a small amount of money to the Jewish war victims, as well as to the gipsies and to the war victims from the former Dutch East Indies (the so called: “Gesture”).
In spite of the cold way of reception by their compatriots most of the repatriated war victims have been able to settle in the Netherlands and to build a rather good life.
Another part of the Dutch “Comfort Women” did not return to the Netherlands after the war, but emigrated to other countries, such as Australia, the United States of America, Canada and the United Kingdom. A number stayed in Indonesia as well. Because of this, it is very difficult to mention the specific living circumstances. Such a difference exists between the women, living in the Netherlands, Australia, the USA, Canada, the UK and the women living in the so called Third World countries, one can hardly compare. The women living in the prosperous countries have managed to build a reasonably wealthy life, with or without the support of a spouse and children.
However this doesn’t apply for women, staying in Indonesia. These women had to deal with the “Bersiap” period, the Indonesian people’s battle for freedom and independence. This period has been extremely complicated for them, because they were of mixed race. They were often given the cold shoulder by the Indonesians. Many of them, being Christians, were not accepted in Muslim-society in Indonesia. Some by marriage to an Indonesian man obtained some respect. Others stayed alone and had great difficulties to be accepted. In comparison to the women from the Western World their living conditions have always been rather bad. So the latter’s could be seen as extremely sad and poor.
Receiving the Project money from the AWF all of a sudden gave prosperity to these women. Many of them have been using the money to build a small brick house and put the rest of the money into saving account. They are very grateful, because this money has given them the opportunity of a worthy future life. The women in the welfare states have used the money to improve their lives, for instance to alternate and/or renovate their property, to buy new furniture, to buy a car, for travels to Indonesia to visit their family or the grave of their beloved, to pay for medical treatment, etc. etc.
5. What has been the significance of receiving the Project money to the victims of forced prostitution?
Although the pain of the former “Comfort Women” has been eased somewhat by receiving the Project money, the wound isn’t healed and will never be healed. Obviously the awful things they had to endure in their young days, have had a very destructive effect on their lives. Having hidden those experiences for a long time to enable the women to move on, the necessity of sharing those horrendous memories, in order to be able to apply to the “Life Improvement Project” did reopen all the old wounds. On the one side . already mentioned before . finally sharing their secrets have been therapeutic in some respect, because they haven’t been able to do so in the past. (To put things in writing to a total stranger was sometimes a relief). On the other hand old wound have been reopened, as a result of which these elderly women are feeling very vulnerable and insecure once again.
Despite the reopening of old wounds and the reliving of horrible experiences, most of the women think, although far too late, they finally have been done some justice, thanks to the Project money, the letter of apology and the recognition.
(1) The importance former Prime Minister Hashimoto’s letter of apology.
Receiving a copy of Mr. Hashimoto’s letter of apology to former Dutch Prime Minister Kok has meant a lot to them. In this letter Mr. Hashimoto is admitting Japan’s huge injustice to these women during World War II and is making profound apologies to them. His recognition and excuses have made the acceptance of the AWF’s Project money by the victims of forced prostitution less complicated; although they would have preferred to receive the money directly and legally from the Japanese Government itself, in stead of receiving the money from the Japanese Government through the AWF and based on moral grounds.
(2)The moment of the start of the Life Improvement Project.
Playing a prominent part in the decision of the Dutch “Comfort Women” to accept the
Project money are their age and - because time is running out -: the feeling of “now or
never”. I am convinced if this had been the case many years ago, the majority would
have refused to accept the money from the AWF. Instead, on moral grounds, they would
have insisted on receiving legal compensation for their sufferings only from the Japanese Government itself. However, the letter of apology from the former Prime Minister Hashimoto proves that the Japanese Government is aware of its moral responsibility towards the “Comfort Women” and as a result of the former the Government wanted to express the apologies of the Japanese by - in close cooperation with the AWF - founding the Life Improvement Project in the Netherlands. Nowadays for a lot of the women it has been important that the Japanese population as well as the Japanese industries have apologized by giving donations to the AWF. Especially the thought of the apologies coming from the “ordinary” Japanese population touched them more than any legal battle to force the Japanese Government some day to legally compensate them. Summing up: all women got the feeling that finally some justice has been done. However, they think that there should have been recognition, apologies and compensation on legal grounds much earlier, so their lives and the lives of those, who have passed away already, would have been improved in an earlier stage.
(3) Has the “Comfort Women” issue been settled in the Netherlands by implementing the
Life Improvement Project? The big question is now: By establishing the AWF’s Life Improvement Project has the issue of the “Comfort Women” truly been settled? The answer is no. As long as the Japanese Government doesn’t feel legally obliged to compensate all victims of forced prostitution directly and only make payments on moral grounds via the Project money of the AWF, the issue never will been solved, according to the feelings of the Dutch “Comfort Women”.
(4) The way this subject really could be closed. It is still of the utmost importance for the Japanese Government to pass a bill, which makes it possible to compensate all “Comfort Women” according to law as yet and to carry this pact into effect as soon as possible. This would be of immense significance, when the Japanese Government could come to its senses spontaneously, instead of eventually being forced by a court settlement. Only then one might reach the conclusion that the issue of the “Comfort Women” is finally settled completely . albeit far too late regretfully.
6. The issue of the male victims of forced prostitution.
In conclusion I would like to draw attention to the men, who were forced into prostitution. The Foundation PICN has recognized 4 men as receivers of the Project money, because the way these men, by then 8 . 10 year old boys, under threat and against their will have been brutally and systematically sexually abused and raped by members of the Japanese occupying forces during World War II, is without any doubt comparable with the situation of the Women, who were forced into prostitution.
The psychical damage of these men, caught by the rapes and sexual abuses is in the same league as those of the women. Besides, very essential is, they have been abused homosexually. (So for all of them against their own sexual nature). As a result a very negative influence on the rest of their lives. Their feelings of shame are the same or yet even bigger than those of the female victims. These boys have become men, who have been leading an insecure life and are very vulnerable. Three of them are married indeed and have children, but were unable to share their awful memories from their youth with their wives, or did so, but very briefly. Because of the trauma’s their sexual marital life is very poor. The men also are suffering from insomnia, due to the constantly returning nightmares. And because they didn’t want or could express their secrets, pushed aside so deeply, they are also suffering from depression and one or more physical problems. Because of all this these men have not achieved very much in life and society and are living a rather retired life.
The fourth boy never married and after numerous wanderings he landed in India, where he was in the possession of a small business. Unfortunately, after a lonely life, he recently has passed away.
Everything, which I have described before about the females, forced into prostitution, is equally relevant for these males. The brutal rapes and sexual abuses during their youth by the Japanese military men, performed against their will and under severe threats, have sadly left an imperishable mark upon them and the rest of their life.
7. How to raise awareness within our societies, especially towards the younger generation.
It is obvious, that it is very important that the issue of the “Comfort Women” is known completely by the people of Japan, as well as by everyone else in the world. For knowledge of the crimes, committed in the past, will certainly contribute to the awareness how to behave in the future, so that these crimes hopefully will never be committed again. One has to become aware of the fact that all human beings should be treated with respect whether in wartime or in peace. The issue of the “Comfort Women” should be told to the youth in historybooks, not just a few lines, but in an extensive way, and not only in Japan, but in the whole world. Men kind should become acquainted with this issue, f..i. by articles in papers and magazines, by movies and/or documentaries, broadcasted in cinema’s and TV.
In order to make a small contribution to inform people I have participated in a documentary, made by the Dutch filmer Jan de Ruijter. (Mr. De Ruijter already won two special awards for two documentaries he made about Jewish war victims.) The documentary is called: “Along the way of remembrance”. In this documentary 4 people do tell about their experiences during World War II in the former Japanese internment camps in the then Dutch East Indies. Two of the men, boys of >10 years of age were taken away from their mothers and brought to men camps. They speak very emotional about this bad period, which had a huge effect on their lives. The other man (87 years now) tells about his resistance work at the very beginning of the war, his internment-time and the help he offered to women and children shortly after the war. On the basis of the diaries of my parents, I (then 2 . 4 years old) tell about the years, I was interned with my mother in the internment camps Ambarawa and Banjoebiroe. Later in the documentary I tell about my work for the Dutch “Comfort Women” by implementing the Life Improvement Project of the AWF in the Netherlands.
The filmer intends to make another documentary about the issue of the “Comfort Women”, as a follow-up of “Along the way of remembrance”. Already two former Dutch “Comfort Women” are willing to participate in this documentary. They too understand the necessary of telling the world what evil has been done to so many innocent young girls before and during World War II. For the same reason I will participate in this documentary as well.
The Hague, October 2003

Mrs. drs. M.J. Hamer . Monod de Froideville, President and trusted representative of the PICN in the Netherlands. Translation Dutch/English by Mrs. K. Rijckborst . Van Houweninge, Secretary of the PICN in the Netherlands.
Assisting the Victims from Japan and the Evaluation of Asian Women’s Fund by the supporters
Keiko Usuki Association to Clarify the Post-war Responsibility of Japan Japan
My name is Keiko Usuki and I am here on behalf of the Association to Clarify the Post-war Responsibility of Japan, commonly known as the Hakkiri-kai. As a journalist I had always been on the side reporting on various problems in magazines or on television. Then in June 1990 I did the approximately 500-kilometer journey from Pusan to Seoul on foot to draw attention within Korea to the fact that post-war compensation had not been provided. I interviewed members of the Society for the Bereaved Families of Pacific War, on whose behalf Yang Soon-im is here today. It was at that time that I received a massive shock; despite the fact that an agreement between Japan and Korea regarding the issue of post-war compensation, or to put it another way postwar settlement, had been reached, conversations with victims themselves revealed that there were those who didn’t know where their parents had died in action, or even whether their parents were dead or alive, those to whom their parents” remains had not been returned and families of those who had died serving as members of the Japanese military or paramilitary who had not received a penny in compensation. Despite all these people lying neglected, I had shared the common awareness that everything had been settled based on the agreement reached between the Japanese and Korean governments, so discovering that problems were far from being solved came as a shock.
This provided the impetus to establish the Association to Clarify the Post-war Responsibility of Japan (Hakkiri-kai) based on the desire to start up support activities to help the Korean Society for Bereaved Families of Pacific War to file a law suit against Japan in some small way. I hope that you will all acknowledge this too, but I consider the two governments’ actions in creating a postwar nationality clause and signing a bilateral agreement in response to the plight of Korean citizens who, as citizens of a Japanese colony, were forced against their will to leave their children and young, newly-married wives behind to take part in the war and tragically lost their lives as members of the Japanese military in combat in South Pacific islands such as the Philippines and Taiwan highly questionable. Meanwhile, as you are all aware, an annual total of \1 trillion has been paid out to Japanese people by way of post-war compensation. This is extremely unfair and, as such, the issue of Japan’s responsibility towards those who lost their lives for the sake of Japan’s war and obligation to provide compensation was brought up before a court of law. This was done with the aim of stirring civic movements and spurring the two governments on to take action and resulted in the issue of former military comfort woman being thrust into the limelight to become a major global issue. As you might expect, the Japanese government have handled all post-war settlement relating to non-Japanese citizens as “special issues.” The issue of atomic bomb survivors has also been designated a special issue for which some sort of resolution needs to be worked out. Based on the need to do something about the issue of former military comfort women, which is somewhat of an awkward one, Kozo Igarashi, the then Chief Cabinet Secretary and the former Japan Socialist Party were both exceedingly keen to resolve post-war issues such as these and, in an attempt to work out what you might call some sort of method of resolving the issue, came up with the AWF in 1995.
As Ms. Yang mentioned earlier, at that time we were not only looking for a solution to the issue of military comfort women, but also solutions to related issues that arose at the same time such as those of members of the military or paramilitary, forced drafting and bereaved families. In addition to Korean citizens, this also brought to light a range of issues relating to citizens of Sakhalin, Taiwanese military and paramilitary personnel and Indonesian citizens recruited as mercenaries. Based on the need to take some kind of short term action in response to the issue of former military comfort women, which had become a major issue and was potentially the most embarrassing of the Japanese government’s “special issues,” in 1994 the coalition government made up of the Japan Socialist Party, the Sakigake Party and the Liberal Democrat Party had the intention of moving forward with the issue of post-war settlement in some shape or form ahead of the 50-year anniversary of the end of the war in 1995 and a subcommittee on the issue of former military comfort women was set up within the ruling party to discuss how to resolve the issue. I myself and the elderly women who are here today sat outside the Diet for roughly two weeks from around November 20 to December 6 in order to demand that the subcommittee make the government take responsibility and provide compensation for individual victims. However, the then ruling coalition ultimately came up with just two resolutions: to set up some sort of atonement program and to set up a modern-day program for women. Although the idea of setting up a AWF had not yet been raised at that time, the Liberal Democrat Party were against one point in particular. They were totally opposed to giving any compensation to war victims. A confidential internal document stating that the government would not hand over a single yen in compensation was drawn up and agreed upon. They accepted the possibility of providing some sort of material compensation, but declared that they could not directly hand over any monetary compensation.
Amidst all this, in July 1995, the Asian Women’s Fund was established. The money to be given to victims themselves was to be comprised of private donations collected from a wide range of members of the Japanese public. As it was a case of individuals donating their own money rather than the government handing over money, it was thought that this would stand as a show of good will on behalf of the people of Japan and demonstrate the fact that individual citizens felt remorse. Instead of providing monetary compensation, the government started up Medical and Welfare Support Projects as an attempt to do something to help victims. I am not that familiar with the situation in the Philippines or Taiwan, but despite their initial vow to not hand over a single yen to war victims, the fact is that, as I am sure you are all aware, the Japanese government has ultimately given \3 million yen to Korea and Taiwan, \1.2 million yen to the Philippines via the AWF in the form of Medical and Welfare Support Projects. This seems to me to be material compensation. However, unless the government specifically states that, “This is compensation,” it will not be considered as such. Ultimately, the partial compensation that the Japanese government went to the effort of providing was handed over to victims in a half-hearted manner and thus went largely unrecognized, as did the letter from the Prime Minister. Despite the fact that there are a number of problems facing Japan domestically, I feel that the government’s methods with regard to the victims have been exceedingly inappropriate and have done nothing to genuinely help their situation.
I would now like to go into slightly more detail with regard to the case in Korea. During this time I discussed matters face-to-face with the elderly women involved and members of the Society for Bereaved Families and looked into various specific details regarding the possibility of a “near-compensation method.” Although the excessive amount of problems means that it would be difficult to solve them all at once, if the government really wants to tackle the issue of military comfort women, I think that this issue should be treated as a first step, with the AWF eventually dropping the “Women’s” part of its name in favor of a more comprehensive name such as the “Asian People’s Peace Fund” and extending its work to issues relating to the likes of female members of the Society for Bereaved Families, men who were drafted by force and soldiers. I think that this would enable the AWF to be effective on a much larger scale. In fact, we used to be in the same situation as members of trade unions: they took on roles such as members of the Advisory Committee or Directors of the AWF and we were on the outside, but we both had plans to change the contents of the AWF. Even now, almost ten years on, the AWF continues to concentrate exclusively on women’s issues, leaving other issues totally untouched.
I feel that the manner in which money was handed over by the AWF to elderly women who actually wished to accept it was handled extremely badly. It is true that there were local movements in opposition to this, particularly in Korea where there was fierce opposition from the Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery, which strongly opposed accepting a single penny of “dirty money” from Japan. In spite of this, asking actual war victims how they felt revealed that they were uncertain how much longer they had left to live and that there was a strong desire to accept some form of compensation while they were still alive. It is our belief that war victims quite clearly have the right to decide whether or not they accept compensation. No matter how hard organizations and support groups work to prevent them from doing so, it is the victims themselves that retain the ultimate right to decide what to do. Therefore, based on awareness of this fact, I felt that the only people who could make the decision regarding whether or not to accept atonement from the AWF, insufficient as it may be, were the individual victims themselves. That is why I said to victims that, whatever discussions there may be regarding what to do, they should decide for themselves. However, speaking from my position, I fear that my words were seriously misunderstood and that malicious rumors to the effect that every time I went to Korea I would meet the victims and tell them to accept money from the AWF were circulated. This situation made carrying out activities very complicated and I think that, while it was publicized in Korea, particularly in the press, it acted as a piece of evidence to help anti-Japan movements bring their cause in terms of refusing the AWF into the limelight. I think that this nationalistic environment where, rather than attention being paid to the actual suffering undergone by individual victims, the act of refusing the AWF was regarded as the right, honest, patriotic thing to do and those who accepted the AWF were considered unpatriotic must have been extremely hard for the victims themselves.
Against the backdrop of such harsh conditions in Korea, in January 1997, seven people accepted the AWF. The mistake made by the AWF when it came to handing over compensation that left a bad aftertaste in my mouth was that no serious thought was given to what would happen to the seven elderly women in Korea who wanted to accept the money in the event that they were actually given the money. I think that the AWF should have erected a barrier in order to protect the people who accepted the money from criticism, slander and other disturbances. To erect such a barrier, I think that the AWF should have staged a proper press conference and made an appeal to the people of Korea clearly stating their position; that these donations had been collected in good faith and that the Japanese government was also working on providing victims with some form of compensation. However the press conference that was held took place in Tokyo. Why was it not held in Seoul? Upon learning this the day prior to the press conference, I emphasized the need to abandon such a plan because, unless the press conference was held in Seoul the AWF’s intentions would be misconstrued as it would seem like the money was being handed over in secret and the victims involved would suffer as a consequence. Ultimately however, no such consideration was shown and, as I had predicted, the victims, elderly women were subjected to attacks as if they were traitors. I think that this lack of consideration on the part of Japan and the AWF amounted to a major mistake and delayed efforts to solve problems considerably. The AWF was insufficient in a number of ways right from the beginning, and, despite acknowledging this fact, was sorely lacking in terms of discussion with regard to how to go about explaining the AWF’s good intentions. TheAWF’s stance was found to be lacking then and I can’t help feeling that it is still lacking even today.
In that sense, this is not merely and issue of money, but also of restoring individual victim’s honor. I feel that unless this is recognized by society, simply handing over money, no matter how many millions or tens of millions of yen, will not make up for the suffering that these elderly women have gone through. As Shim Mi-ja mentioned earlier, in terms of exclusively financial problems, it creates situations where victims are approached by heartless relatives and friends who deprive them of their money. I think that we need to learn from this experience, particularly the fact that the money unfortunately brought more trouble than happiness to individual victims. I say this because the victims that I know have a particularly large amount of money at their disposal and there are those among them who, despite the fact that I think they would be better off planning how they use their money to some extent, are so happy about it that they let it be known publicly. As a result of this, everyone who comes to see them asks them for money to buy this or that and the victim end up squandering it all. Initially, out of concern that problems might arise, it seems that a system whereby lawyers had control of the money and just handed over small sums of money as necessary was considered, but I think that it was rejected because the people themselves would not have been happy to have large sums of money that were rightfully theirs but have to apply to someone else to get hold of it one bit at a time. I feel that proper research should have been carried out based on highly detailed calculations, experiences and what the victims themselves thought about real-life problems such as these related to what the AWF was trying to achieve.
As I was taking a look at the AWF recently, one thing that struck me as being particularly regrettable was the fact that there are too many people managing the AWF and not enough people actually putting words into actions to back this up. Whereas the level of contact with victims themselves is minimal, the number of theories discussed is high. Looking back, they did not even know the names of the people they were giving the money to, leading people to doubt just who this AWF was actually for. If your stomach hurts, a doctor will examine you to find out where tit hurts. In a sense, the AWF is in that same position, and, just like a doctor, has a duty to take some concrete steps to help specific individual victims. Therefore, I think that the AWF needs to conduct serious research alongside those who work to provide support in the relevant countries and take steps to grasp specifically what is required based on the opinions of those involved. I feel that whether or not the AWF is able to do this thoroughly will determine whether the existence of the AWFis utterly hollow and lacking in meaning or whether it is practical, realistic organization.
Finally I would like to touch upon the situation faced by former comfort women in Korea today. As Shim Mi-ja mentioned, former military comfort women in Korea are seriously discriminated against socially, both openly and behind their backs, as a result of their past. First of all, the hardest thing for these women to bear is the backlash from their relatives, who warn them not to disclose anything about their past as military comfort women because it will tarnish the family name. As far as I am aware, there are only one or two of these women whose families accept the fact that they used to be military comfort women. There are a large number of these women who live in solitude because their families feel ashamed and say that they are not part of the family. Women in such circumstances have registered as members of the Society for Bereaved Families or he Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery and taken part in temporary activities, but these are not enough to take away the sense of loneliness they feel. Unfortunately, there is nothing in the way of comprehensive care available for these women. In the case of former military comfort women in Korea, they have lived to the age of 80 without having been married once and, taking the elderly women that I know as an example, spend each day alone with painful thoughts along the lines of, “Why has my life turned out like this?” They wonder why they have no husband, no children and no grandchildren. Injuries from where they were beaten by soldiers during the war become more and more evident and painful the older they get. Old wounds from having their arms twisted throb with pain and others from where they were stabbed with bayonets also flair up painfully. In spite of all this, they do not have a soul in the world who will call them up to ask, “Are you OK” or call round to as, “How are you doing?” Even if they get admitted to hospital, they don’t have anyone to come and visit them. Children and grandchildren come to visit people in nearby beds, asking, “Grandma! How are you doing?” But they have nobody. Such women have told me, pleading with loneliness, that they feel so ashamed that they have even gone out to buy fruit from the fruit store and then asked hospital staff to have it delivered to them. I have heard them say on the telephone any number of times that the way they are living at the moment is worse than being dead. As Shim Mi-ja said, we have been asking the AWF to, if possible, erect a facility such as an old people’s home for a long time in order to help elderly women in situations like these, but we have still not received an answer as to whether or not this is possible. I think that it would be good to have such a facility and that this needs to be treated as a priority issue. Based on the current situation in Korea, I feel that an emergency care center needs to be set up in some shape or form, even if it is privately-run, and a situation where there is someone to listen to these elderly women, or even to just get them a cup of tea or water or ask them where it hurts, needs to be created right away. I want to work to ensure that we can make some progress with matters such as these, even if just in some small way. As part of this seminar, I look forward to hearing about the situations in each different country.
Trade Union’s View on the issue of “Comfort Women” and Women’s Dignity
Michiko Inaba Council on Gender Equality Japanese Trade Union Confederation Japan
My name is Michiko Inaba from the Japanese Trade Union Confederation (JTUC) Council on Gender Equality, which is located in the Japanese Trade Union Confederation’s National Center. Thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak to you here today.
Listening to the discussions at this conference has really brought home to me the scale and gravity of this issue and, moreover, the duty we have to resolve it. I feel ashamed, not as a member of an organization, but as an individual, as a woman, of the fact that I have done so little to help resolve this issue up to now. I feel that the issue of former military comfort women represents a major violation of basic human rights and highlights the issue of violence against women stemming from gender discrimination and sexual exploitation.
The JTUC Council on Gender Equality was established based on recognition of the need to work towards both conquering gender discrimination and creating a society where men and women can stand on equal footing, respect one another, share equal responsibility both within society and in the home and participate equally in decision making processes in terms of society, companies and organizational policies.
The JTUC Council on Gender Equality is working to tackle issues such as equal participation in trade union activities and eliminating gender discrimination. Moreover, with regard to violence stemming from discrimination against women, we have continued to work on the issue of preventing sexual harassment. As part of activities such as these, we have continued to call for the development of a legal framework that shows zero tolerance towards the commercialization of sex, something that violates women and children’s human rights, and that will eliminate violence stemming from discriminatory sentiments towards women, improved protection of human rights for victims of sexual violence and the introduction of such issues into the education system.
In terms of the issue of what to do about the current day-to-day situations faced by those who suffered as a result of Japan’s ill-advised actions during World War II, I think that three of the most important issues are how to confront trends within Japan that encourage gender discrimination, how to educate future generations in order to ensure that acts of brutality such as this are not repeated and how to translate these thoughts into actions.
The Japanese “Basic law for a Gender-equal Society,” which stipulates that local governments must work towards the creation of a society in which men and women can participate equally, was enacted in 1999. Although work is underway to develop regulations relating to local authorities as a consequence of this, opposition has also come to light. This opposition takes the form of an unwavering insistence on the allocation of determined gender roles, which is further aggravated by the accompanying feelings of so-called patriotism. This is a trend that is visible throughout Japan. It could be that this is what Prof., Lee was referring to when he talked about Japan’s shift towards the right yesterday.
The JTUC is continuously working to dispatch female staff to international trade union conferences, as demonstrated by the fact that roughly half of ILO trade union delegates dispatched by the JTUC are female. As a result of this, the majority of the women who have taken part in such conferences have had their eyes opened to a wide range of global issues that they can now take on rather than concentrating exclusively on those within Japan. We have received suggestions regarding the issue of comfort women from Asian women, such as those affiliated with Korean trade unions. However, to be honest, I don’t feel that this issue has been sufficiently discussed by trade union members.
As I do not have the relevant data to hand at the moment, I do not know what the situation is like in Korea, the Philippines, Taiwan or Holland. I don’t know exact details for Japan either, but I can tell you that, for example, women account for slightly less than 27% of trade union members. In terms of JTUC board members, the number of female committee members responsible for organizational decision making is relatively low and women make up just under 15% of the JTUC Head Office’s Central Executive Committee. In terms of the organization’s top officials, there is one female vice president and one female Vice General Secretary.
Finally, I would like to take this opportunity to say a few personal remarks. I feel that the theme of how future generations will inherit responsibility for the issue of what can be done to help the surviving war victims who have experienced suffering as ‘comfort women’ is a vitally important one. The comfort women issue represents a case of people’s basic human rights being violated as a result of gender discrimination. Obvious as it may seem, I feel the need to widely publicize the fact that all people have the right to life and that “respect for human life” forbids anyone from violating this, particularly to younger generations and children.
The important thing is to tell them the facts; the fact that there are a large number of people who suffered human rights violations at the hands of Japan and the fact that there is a range of opinions towards these people. If we accept gender discrimination and engage in discriminatory behavior, we could end up, on reflection, getting trapped in the darkness created by acts of discrimination or being discriminated against. I think that we need to convey this, based on the facts, to future generations. Moreover, I feel that we need to discuss matters openly, without hiding anything, and make some choices with regard to what we should do and what path we should follow. What destruction and suffering did Japan cause as a result of the war? What things did Japan do and fail to do after the war? We need to recognize issues such as these. To achieve this I think that we need to build up the foundations for the future within organizations brick by brick. I think that each individual person should clearly indicate “this is what you can do” and “this is what I will do.” I feel that it is important to move forward together based on clarification of differences in terms of position and opinion. Grass-roots methods such as these may be a roundabout way of doing things, but I think that they will prove to be a source of great strength in the future.

■韓国the Republic of Korea
沈美子 Sim Mi-ja 無窮花(むくげ)親睦会代表
Mukuge Friendship Society
梁順任 Yang Soon-im 太平洋戦争犠牲者遺族会名誉会長
金正任 Kim Jeong-im 太平洋戦争犠牲者遺族会全南支部長
The Society for the Bereaved Families of Pacific War
李元雄 Lee Wong-Won 関東大学教授
Kwandong University
■ フィリピンthe Philippines
Rechida A. Extremadura リラ・ピリピーナ
Carlota E. Mortel Lila-Pilipina
■ 台湾 Taiwan
Yvonne Mei Jung Lin 台北女性労働者のためのセンター代表
Taipei Grass-roots Women Worker’s Centre
Su-Jun Huang LEE 女性社会協会代表
The Community Women’s Association
■ オランダ the Netherlands (紙面による参加 Participated by Papers)
M.J.Hamer オランダ事業実施委員会委員長
Project Implementation Commitee in the Netherlands
■ 日本 Japan
臼杵敬子 Keiko USUKI 日本の戦後責任をハッキリさせる会
Association to Clarify the Post-war Responsibility of Japan
林 誠子Seiko HAYASHI 日本労働組合総連合会副事務局長
稲葉道子 Michiko INABA 日本労働組合総連合会男女平等局
Japanese Trade Union Confederation

■ 女性のためのアジア平和国民基金 Asian Women’s Fund
有馬真喜子 Makiko ARIMA 理事 Director
伊勢桃代 Momoyo ISE 専務理事・事務局長 Secretary General
山口達男 Tatsuo YAMAGUCHI 理事 Director
橋本ヒロ子 Hiroko HASHIMOTO 運営審議会委員 Advisory Committee
松田瑞穂 Mizuho MATSUDA 事務局業務部長 Programme Director
間仲智子 Tomoko S. MANAKA 事務局 Staff



財団法人 女性のためのアジア平和国民基金
無断転載を禁じます。 (財)女性のためのアジア平和国民基金(アジア女性基金)

刊行にあたって … i-ii
韓国 沈美子 梁順任 金正任 李元雄 … … … … 1-4 5-16 17-19 20-26
フィリピン リッチ A. エクスマドゥーラ … 27-32
台湾 イボンヌ メイ・ジュン・リン スージュン・ファン・リー … 33-36
オランダ マルガリータ ハマー・モノ ド・デ・フロデヴィーユ … 37-47
日本 臼杵敬子 稲葉道子 … … 48-52 53-54
参加者名簿 … 55

このお話をある支援団体の方から聞き、私たちアジア女性基金の事務局スタッフは思いました。「慰安婦」被害者が受けた「被害」とは一体何だったのか?戦時中に「慰安所」において「慰安婦」として悲惨な、過酷な日々を送ったその当時のことだけを「被害」と呼ぶのか?このおばあさんのように「慰安婦」とされたことで結婚もできず、家族とも離れ、晩年独り暮らしとなって、戦後60 年経った現在もまだ孤独や差別という「被害」に苦しめられている。「『慰安婦』被害」は今日も続いている、と。
そこで基金は被害者の「今」を教えてもらい、この今日も続く元「慰安婦」が受けている「被害」に対して何ができるのかについて意見交換をするために、アジア女性基金の償い事業をお届けした国、地域の支援団体の方を中心に2003 年10 月、沖縄県那覇市でラウンドテーブルを開催しました。
この報告書は会議場で各参加者から配布、発言された現在の被害者の訴えや被害者を取り巻く環境、基金の報告のまとめとなっています。これら報告には5 年間の「償い事業」を終えた基金に対して、被害者や彼女たちをサポートしている支援者たちがこれから要望することも述べられています。現実としてこれらの要望に対して応えられること、応えられないこと、そしてこれから検討していかなくてはいけないことがあります。しかし今すぐにでも基金ができること、すべきこととは、一人でも多くの被害者の声を聞き、現在もなお「慰安婦」とされた人々に対する「謂れのない」差別や偏見が続いているという事実を、日本国内外の一人でも多くの方々に広く知っていただくこと。こうした被害者本人には何の責任もない被害が続いていることはおかしい、責められるべきは決して被害者であってはならない、と発信していくこと。そしてまた、このように性に関わる問題からおこった被害者女性に対する偏見と差別は今日においてもなお残っており、今後根絶していくべき問題であると考えていただければという思いでこの報告書を刊行いたしましたことをご理解いただければ幸いです。
アジア女性基金 事務局
沈美子(シン・ミジャ) 無窮花(ムクゲ)親睦会 韓国
韓国政府は元従軍慰安婦として登録された人々に対して一律して10 万ウォンの生活支援金を支給しています。しかし15 歳から22 歳の間日本によって踏みにじられ、また今一部の民間の団体に踏みにじられるのは悔しくてなりません。韓国政府やアジア女性基金のみなさんにこのことを訴えたいと思います。踏みにじられている私たちハルモニの立場をより詳しく訴えたい。私たちは踏みにじられ、胸に非常に大きな痛みを感じ、これによって胸に病を抱え独り孤独に暮らしています。私たちは過去において踏みにじられただけでも非常に悔しくてたまらないのに、日本の女性団体と韓国の団体がお互いに行き来をしながら今でも私たちハルモニを誹謗中傷していることが非常に許せません。
今ハルモニたちは孤独で寂しく一人暮らしをしていますが、それでもそれなりに韓国政府から支払われている生活支援金によって何の苦労もなく生きている人もいれば、苦労をしている人もいます。苦労をしているというのは政府から受け取ったそのわずかな支援金さえも自分の娘や息子や親戚たちに通帳ごとすべて奪われてしまい、一銭も使うことができないのです。或るハルモニはそういった使えるお金が一切ないので身体の具合が悪くて病院に行きたいのだけれども病院に行くことさえできないと訴えていました。このような不遇な立場におかれているハルモニ 32名が集まりましてムクゲ親睦会をというものを組織しました。このムクゲ親睦会では2、3ヶ月に1回、このような非常にわびしく孤独な思いをしているハルモニたちが一堂に会してお互いの状況などについて話をしているのですが、その中で私はこのようなことを聞きます。まず第一に団体によって踏みにじられた悲しみを背負っている、第二に子どもたちや親戚にお金を奪われてしまい一銭も使うことができない、このような状況が彼女たちに発生しているということです。アジア女性基金はこのようなハルモニを保護するために療養所や保健所を新たに建立すると、そのような発表を新聞に載せたのであれば早く実践するように促して欲しいと、私はハルモニから依頼を受けましたが私の力不足がありまして、今日にまで至っているわけです。しかしアジア女性基金は従軍慰安婦のために日本政府の補助金を受けて設立され、私たち元従軍慰安婦の人権や尊厳のために募金を集めたのであれば今日明日にも死んでしまうかもしれないそういったハルモニが生きている間に使えるように、彼女たちを保護する精神で、保健所や療養所をつくるなどの運営をしていただきたいと切にお願いします。
韓国政府は元従軍慰安婦であったということは非常に恥ずかしいことなので秘密は保証するから従軍慰安婦だった方たちは届出をしなさい、と発表しました。それが1991 年のことでした。ですが私はどこかの団体にいって登録したりすることはしませんでした。私はある日、韓国のMBC 文化放送ラジオを聞いていたところ、「日本政府は従軍慰安婦問題について強制拉致をしたことはない。お金を渡して連れて行った業者はあるようだが、日本政府が強制的に拉致した事実はない。」というニュースを報道していました。そのニュースを聞き、私はただちにそのMBC韓国文化放送に電話をして、「何を言っているんだ、私は小学校で授業を受けている最中に日本の警察がきて日本の警察によって拉致をされたんだ。日本政府というのは二つの顔と二つの口をもっている、そのような人間だから信じられない。私は自分の命を懸けてでも必ずこの真相を明かしてみせる。」と言ってこのことに立ち上がりました。
先ほど申したようにあるハルモニがビニールを張って住んでいたのですが、ナヌムの家に住むことになって、そしてまたハルモニはその時に挺身隊問題対策協議会に申告をしました。ここには61名の方々が申告したことになっています。1990年度です。そしてこの61名全部がナヌムの家に入ることは経済力もまだなく、できないのでそのうちの何名かが入ることになりました。私が言いたいのはこうした人たちはまだよいのですが、90年代の初めの頃、政府によって秘密を保証するので申告をしなさいといわれた人たちが80~100 名近くいます。実は彼女たちはその時に家族や社会やまた自分の名誉のために政府の奨励に申告したわけですが、結局その方たちは今になっては私たちよりもっとひどい状況にあるというのが今の韓国の状況です。
先ほど申しました政府に申告したハルモニ40 名、そしてムクゲ親睦会の32 名がかなりの被害を受けているということを言っておきたいと思います。日本からきた団体にこの方たちを案内したり会わせたりしています。ムクゲ親睦会32 名、初期の頃政府の奨励によって自分が慰安婦であったと申告した40名を含めて私自身のホームページを作りましたのでそれを見て私たちの心情、私の立場をご理解いただければと思います。
もうひとつ最後にかならず言っておきたいことがあります。日本の女性団体と韓国の女性団体が行き来をしながらどんな話をしているか私は知っています。韓国のある女性団体は日本の女性団体にこのように言ったそうです。韓国において元従軍慰安婦の方たちは韓国政府及び韓国の団体の保護によって非常に平穏に生活をしていると。そんなことはとんでもないことです。ここにいらっしゃる何人かの方は私の案内で実際に今慰安婦の方たちがおかれている状況というのをご覧になったと思います。私たちのムクゲ親睦会の32 名と韓国政府に届出を出した40 名の元慰安婦の方たちがどのような生活をしているかよくご存知だと思います。人間としての待遇を受けることもできず、人間のごみとして扱われています。彼女たちは身も心も切り刻まれて非常に惨めな状態で生活をしています。どうかアジア女性基金のみなさまは彼女たちを助けてあげてください。
梁順任(ヤン・スニム) 社団法人太平洋戦争犠牲者遺族会名誉会長韓国
1971. 1. 19. :韓国、対日本民間請求権に関する法律の制定後
71. 5. 21.-72. 3. 20. :太平洋戦争犠牲者の直系遺家族申告時に遺族の集まりを結成

73. 4. :太平洋戦争遺族会発足

84. 4. :日本軍慰安婦初発掘

88. 6. :再発起

89. 2. 24. :日王(天皇)裕仁の葬儀の日にタプコル公園(当時パゴダ公園)で明仁日王(天皇)に太平洋戦争被害者(慰安婦を包む)責任の代引き継ぎ公開書簡行事(ヤン・スニム、文益換とともに)

89. 4. :説得を続けた結果、慰安婦1 人が本会の会員として加入

90. 3. 1. :対日過去清算国際裁判宣言

90. 4. 20. :日本厚生省に挺身隊9 万名の名簿を要求。実務者面談協議

27. :韓国政府の要請時に名簿公開、日本側確答受ける

90. 8. :日本軍慰安婦1 人を原告に選定

90. 10. 29. :生存者(軍人、軍属、労務者)及び遺族22 人公式謝罪と賠償の本人訴訟を提訴 在日韓国人パク・スナム氏による無断撮影にハルモニが反発。慰安婦原告を離脱

91. 8. 3.7. :アジア太平洋地域戦後補償国際フォーラムに遺族会会員及び慰安婦54 人が参加。韓国慰安婦の実状を公開

91. 12. 6. :アジア太平洋戦争韓国人犠牲者補償請求訴訟に軍人・軍属・遺家族など32 名とともに慰安婦3 人が東京地方裁判所に提訴

91. 12. 13. :国会外務統一委員会の聴聞会で慰安婦被害の実状を証言(慰安婦イ・ギブン、常任理事ヤン・スニム)

92. 1. 9. :日本軍慰安婦の日本側強制連行不正に対する糾弾、及び宮沢首相の訪韓反対集

会。日本大使館前に会員500 人余りが集結. 日本軍慰安婦10 人日本首相に直接面談の要請書。柳駐韓日本大使に渡す。 韓国外務省長官に直接面談、同一の要請をする。
13. :キム・ヨンサム大統領当選者に面談(キム・ジョンデ、ヤン・スニム)。慰安婦及び全体犠牲者の生活保護を要請。就任後、早いうちに解決と回答

:日本軍慰安婦10 人の首相直接面談、及び戦後処理を求める会員900 人余りが要求大会(日本大使館前)

17. :宮沢首相の訪韓国会演説時に6 個項目の戦後処理(慰安婦10 人の首相直接面談など)を要求。


92. 4. 13. :慰安婦6 人が追加提訴

92. 12. 10. :日本の戦後補償に関しての国際公聴会(東京)に慰安婦7 人を引率(ヤン・スニム)他に遺族会員50 人が参加。韓国・北朝鮮の慰安婦が初対面

92. 10. 15.-93. 1. 10. :日本軍慰安婦の生活実態調査を実施

93. 1. 12. :外務省に日本軍慰安婦の緊急生活保護を要請

93. 6. 9.?23. :第25 回世界人権大会(ウィーン)ヤン・スニム共同代表が参加。 『日本軍慰安婦、及び太平洋戦争全体犠牲者問題の解決要求」広報物3、000

枚と資料集200 冊を配布. 参加人権委員たちに「日本軍慰安婦問題解決要求」の署名を556 人分受ける。
14. :本会議開幕後、大会総責任者のジョン・ペイ氏に日本の戦後処理要求公文書と広報ちらし、及び資料集を国連事務総長宛に伝逹を要望、直接依頼。

17. :ジュネーブの国連UN 本部とアメリカの国連事務所に日本の戦後処理要求公文書、及び資料集をキム・ヨンホ牧師側に伝逹を受付(後日ガリ国連事務総長訪韓の時に直接伝逹)。


93. 7. 8.-23. : 7 回までの日本軍慰安婦証言聞き取りに関する日本政府筋と遺族会との事前協議会

:日本軍慰安婦15 人の証言。日本総理府の代表5 人が聞き取り。韓国側立会い人:ヤン・スニム。 2001. 3.26. :アジア太平洋戦争韓国人犠牲者補償請求訴訟の日本軍慰安婦1 審判決公判。 8人全員に対して棄却判決

2003. 7. 22. : 2 審判決棄却の中、慰安婦シム・ミジャの一部認定。現在、最高裁判所にて上告係争中。


日本軍慰安婦を初めて私が訪ねたのは1984 年である。軍属だったハラボジ(お爺さん)を通じて慰安婦の生存を初めて知った時、大きな衝撃を受けた。実家の両親から若い娘の供出の話を聞いたことがあった。軍に連行されて軍人たちに与えるために血を抜かれたためすべて死んでしまったのか、帰って来た人は見られなかったという、まるで伝説のように言い伝え話だけで聞き知っていたのだが、実存のハルモニがいるという事実に愕然とさせられた。
紆余曲折の末、90年に対日公式謝罪と賠償を請求する本人訴訟(90.10.29.:東京地方裁判所原告22 人提訴)を提起する際に原告に加わるという許しを得、その条件として、法廷証言まではするが、メディアには一切公開せず、また仮名にて提訴することを約束した。
直ちに遺族会は日本大使館前に会員500 人余りが集結した。キム・ジョンデとヤン・スニムは柳健一駐韓日本大使に会って「宮沢首相の訪韓反対、及び戦後処理の要求」と「慰安婦10 人による首相との面談」の要請書を直接手渡した。
「日本による強制連行の有無はハルモニたちに会って直接話を聞き、良心に照らし合わせて判断せよ」を前提にして、15 日には100 人余りが日本大使館前で抗議集会をし、16日の宮沢首相ソウル到着日には、800人余りが日本大使館の前で抗議デモをした。
1 月17 日、宮沢首相国会演説の時間に会員1、000人余りが国会前から100m 程の場所で「6項目の戦後処理要求」、及び「慰安婦10 人と首相との直接面談要求」などの内容で声明を発表。そのデモの最中、不幸にも遺族の一人が警察の過激な阻止のために肋骨4 本を折るなどし、収容された汝矣島の聖母病院で息を引き取った。
韓日過去清算運動開始後、初の犠牲者を出した遺族会はこの犠牲を踏まえて、継続的に日本国に慰安婦証言の聞き取り(日本内閣官房内閣外政審議室谷野室長に面談、韓国外務省長官、及びコン・ノミョン駐日韓国大使、キム・ヨンサム大統領当選者との面談など)を要求した結果、 1993年5月27日、日本労働組合総連合会(連合)を通じて日本の官房長官の面談に関する答弁を手に入れた。
日本政府は「韓国側が慰安婦被害の当事者10 人ほどを選定してくれれば調査委員(外政審議室職員)が面談し、調査後に強制連行が明らかになったらその後特別法を制定して個人補償を表明する用意もある、が韓国側がそれを拒否して中断した状態だ」という回答だった。
5 月29 日、遺族会は慰安婦だけではなく「全体被害に対して証言の聞き取り」をするように要求する声明を出して日本国に伝えた。もちろん韓国政府にも遺族会の意思を伝逹して協力要請をした。
このような闘いを経て慰安婦証言の聞き取り要求から1 年6 ケ月がたった1993 年7 月8 日、遺族会は日本政府筋と1 次証言聞き取りに関する協議を始め、第7 回(1993. 7. 23.)の事前両国意見調整を行った。
そして1993 年7 月26~30 日まで5 日間、15人の慰安婦ハルモニたちの証言があった。
日本の聴取者といえども人の子としての良心は持っていると信じて、多くの抗議と憂慮の中で、一部の慰安婦が事務室の前で証言聞き取り反対デモをするという抗議の電話を数えきれなくして来たが、私は誰の妨害でも跳ね返そうという断固たる立場を貫き、結局1993 年7 月30 日、無事に日帝による強制連行日本軍慰安婦15 人の証言聞き取りを終えた。
1993年8月4日河野官房長官は一部の強制連行を認める公式発表をしたがその犠牲者たちに対する問題解決対策や被害賠償対策には言及しなかった。 しかし、村山首相は周辺国に「平和友好計画」として1,000 億円を策定して10 年間に年間100 億円ずつ使う政策を樹立したと発表した。 引き継き、民間基金を作り慰安婦犠牲者らに慰労金を支給する事を構想し、民間基金設立のための事務所維持費などとして5 億円を1995 年度予算策定したという事実が知られるようになった。
その結果、最初に民間基金の受領を約束した慰安婦ハルモニ7 人は反逆的売国奴とされ、韓国政府の無視と社会的な各種非難を浴びる境遇となり、同情から蔑視の対象となった。
しかし2002 年5 月1 日の民間基金終了までとり続けた日本の姿勢は、私たちの犠牲者の期待を失望で突き崩した。
韓国では最初、172人の被害者が慰安婦登録を受けたが、その後192 人に増えた。しかし、この数年間に多くが死亡し、現在は約150 人余りが生存している。遺族会が提訴した「アジア太平洋戦争韓国犠牲者補償請求訴訟」の慰安婦原告9 人のうち1 人が取り下げ、二人がすでに他界した。また、多くのハルモニたちが死に直面していて、殆どが毎日のように病院通いをしている。
比較的元気だったあるハルモニは10 月23 日に退院されたが、その他6 名のハルモニなどは、殆ど家から出られないほどで、その他宗教団体が運営する福祉財団に収容されたが、痛みがひどくて苦痛を訴え続けているハルモニもいる。また冬に氷で滑って肩に怪我を負い、手術を受けたが頻繁に再発し関節炎まで煩ってしまったハルモニもいる。数日前に病院からもらった15日分の薬を誤って5 日分を一どきに呑んでしまい、一時危険な状態に陥り、胃洗浄を受けるなどしてかろうじて危機を抜け出した。またあるハルモニは白内障で視力をまったく失い、盲人になった。
遺族会に申告した56 人の中で10 人以上が死亡した。そして一部には消息がつかめない方もいて、行方を探している。現在のハルモニたちは目前に死が迫ってきていて、残された時間はあまりない。存命中に胸のしこりを解くことができるよう、特に日本政府の覚醒が必要であり、それとともに私たち全てが努力しなければならない。
(1) 遺族会は1991 年12 月6 日「アジア太平洋戦争韓国人犠牲者補償請求訴訟」を東京地方裁判所に提訴した。軍人、軍属、元日本軍慰安婦とその遺家族で構成された35 人の原告のうち、元日本軍慰安婦は3 人である。 1992年4月13日、元慰安婦の6人をこの裁判に原告に追加して全9人となったが、このうち二人が死亡した後、一審判決(2002.3.5:東京地裁)が宣告され、慰安婦不知により棄却される。また二審判決(2003.7.22:東京高裁)では慰安婦原告シン・ミジャ氏について、その一部が認定された他は全て棄却された。現在、最高裁に上告(2003.8)して係争中である。

年生から高等科2 年(現中学校2 年)である10 歳から15 歳以下の幼い少女を学業を続けさせると欺いて連行した。しかし女子勤労挺身隊として各軍需工場で酷使され、また戦争の砲火の中で命を奪われた彼女らは一次責任が企業体にあるという理由で原告に加えることの出来なかった事例があることを付け加えておく。


(1) 日本軍慰安婦、女子勤労挺身隊の人権蹂躙に対する日本の国会における「真相糾明公開及び公式謝罪による名誉回復」の推進をする。

(2) 韓国に日本国慰安婦と女子勤労挺身隊の福祉館及び医療機関建立することを推進する。

(3) 日本軍慰安婦、及び女子勤労挺身隊を含めた「太平洋戦争韓国人犠牲者賠償推進委員会」を日本の国会内に設立することを女性の名で推進する。

(4) アジア女性基金の運営事業側は初めの約束通りにこれからは韓国の太平洋戦争犠牲者の福祉事業を優先して推進する。

(5) 「平和友好計画」一千億円の策定は、太平洋戦争によって苦痛を受けた周辺国のために使われるものとして公表されたが、9年経った今日まで犠牲者にはその運営内容が知らされていない。日本国外務省は即刻計画の出資内訳を公開し、残額は犠牲者のための事業のために使うようにアジア女性基金が先鞭を取って推進する。

(6) 全世界の太平洋戦争被害者が戦争に惨状を伝えることで戦争を予防し平和を志向する交流が円滑になされるよう、各国の犠牲者団体に対する「平和基金支援機構」


(7) 日本の歴史認識変革のために「歪曲歴史教科書の是正、及び妄言根絶機構」をアジア女性基金内に設置し、女性の力で被害国と真の和親を推進する。

(1) 私が日本軍慰安婦ハルモニを捜し始めて多くの苦労と困難を味わい、説得するにあたっては更なる困難に立ち塞がれ、何度泣かされたかわからない。が、微かではあるがそれらの苦痛が実を結んで世界的に日本軍慰安婦問題が知られるようになり、世界の人々を驚愕させ、問題は急速に世界的な問題となった。

(2) この問題は戦時における日本国の女性に対する非人間的行為がまた別の意味で戦争の苦痛であることを明かにするきっかけとなった。また、これが全世界の女性の人権に関する次元の問題で、単に日本のみにとどまらず世界あちこちの戦争勃発国において女性を保護するための根本となるしっかりとした足掛かりになったことが分かる.また女性にとって最も大きな苦痛となる問題として今後、決して再発することのないように啓発したことで女性人権問題がさらに一段階発展し、世界女性人権史に残りうる極めて大きな功績を挙げたと自負しても良いと思う。

(3) このように日本の「女性のためのアジア平和国民基金」も設立当時には多くの「産みの苦しみ」を味わったことと思うが、結果として苦しんでいる多くの慰安婦実被害者たちに直面した苦痛を減らすための実質的役目を履行したことについては事実として評価される. 東南アジア各被害国の日本軍慰安婦が当時の極度の生活的苦痛に喘ぐ中で民間基金設立と履行で一部ではあるが解決されたことも多かったので、日本の国家としての名分は認められないが、日本国民の心や姿勢は犠牲者たちの敵対的感情を大幅


(4) そこで今後の日本政府はアジア女性基金を通じて反省と謝罪の姿勢を見せて、今まで慰安婦に限って行ってきた事業の対象を犠牲者全体に広げ、「縮小解決を意図している。」という非難を払拭し、犠牲者らの不満と敵対感を解消して、真の和解を図らなければならない.

(5) 人生の終着点に達しつつある犠牲者らの生存中に解決しなければ、彼らのその恨みは永遠に晴らされることなく澱として残り、その重みは日本国民の胸に大きな十字架としてのしかかることであろう。 日本国の真の反省の姿勢を東南アジア諸被害国と被害犠牲者らを通じて世界の人々の心に伝え、変化した日本の良心を必ず実践・履行するように忠告をしておく。

悔しい思いをした被害者を初めて招待してくれてありがとうございます。私は太平洋戦争犠牲者遺族会(遺族会)の1 人として96 年からケアセンターに携わっておりました。私たち遺族とハルモニ(おばあさん、元「慰安婦」)の共同のケアセンターとして運営していました。独りで暮らしているハルモニが体の調子が悪いとき、独りで寂しいとき、ケアセンターに集まって話をして鬱憤を晴らしたり歌を歌ったりしていました。様々な支援団体、ハッキリ会とか、高校の先生とかまた広島の方からも団体の方が私たちのケアセンターを訪れて協力してくれました。キムハクスンさんを連れて何度か日本に訪れたことがあります。その際に日本の官房長官から非常によい言葉をいろいろといただきました。これからケアセンターを発展させていけるか、遺族会とハルモニが一緒になって日本の後援団体とも一緒になってケアセンターを運営していけるかと質問してみました。
客観的に思うのですが私自身、父を戦死によって亡くしました。私の母は夫を亡くした状態で孤独な生活をしてきました。私はハルモニを母と同じように非常に可哀相な人たちだと思っています。私は私たち遺族会とハルモニたちが一緒になって助け合うことが必要です。ハルモニたちは自分たちで頑張るとおっしゃっていますが、ほとんどの方が80 を超える高齢です。あるハルモニの場合は言葉を話すこともままならず、水一杯さえ人の助けがなければ飲めないような状況です。そのような方たちを助けるためにもセンターを運営できればと思うだけに、非常に残念でなりません。
私が臼杵さんと知り合って15 年になります。臼杵さんは韓国に来て非常に苦労なさったと思います。韓国においては戦争の傷跡によって心の中に非常に恨みつらみをもっていらっしゃる方が多いので、そのような中で活動することは筆舌しがたい苦労だったと思います。それでも臼杵さんは被害者に対して非常に温かい言葉をかけてくれたり、私たちの手足の役割をして多くの助けをしてくれました。私は臼杵さんからの知らせを聞くと、自分の父の知らせを聞いたように嬉しく思ったものです。今臼杵さんは被害者のために何か仕事をしたいという思いがあるにもかかわらず、いろいろな条件のためにそのような仕事ができないと聞き残念に思っています。臼杵さんに何かそのような働く場が与えられて、私と一緒に手をとりながらこのような問題に対して一緒に解決していけるような道が拓かれればよいと思っています。
李 元 雄(リー・ウォンウォン) 関東大学 韓国
戦後50 年あまりの間、日本の戦争犯罪問題はアジアの国家、特に中国・韓国と日本の間において外交的懸案となって来た。特に軍隊慰安婦問題は韓国と日本との間で、歴史問題の争点になって来た。 慰安婦問題は両国の政治的感情と結び付いているので、解決しにくい問題に間違いない。両国の民族主義者グループらは、この問題を自分らの政治的な目的に利用している。
今、慰安婦問題を解決する妙案を出すということは事実上不可能だ。しかし、私たちは不幸な過去を清算するためだけにではなく、新しい東アジアの未来秩序のためにこの問題を解決しなければならない。韓国は韓半島(朝鮮半島)統一のイニシアチブを取ろうと思っている。これは日本側の政治経済的支援がなしには不可能である。同じく、日本は歴史問題を脱皮し、正常な国家として世界舞台に進出するために努力している。このような努力も東アジアの近隣諸国、特に韓国の支援が必要だろう。韓日両国はデモクラシーの価値と市場経済体制を共有している。両国は経済・安保など多くの分野で相互に依存を深めている。 このような新しい関係の発展は、両国市民に過去問題清算の必要性を提起している。ならば、この問題に対してどのように接するべきであろうか?
韓国政治の民主化の過程で、大学生たちは非常に重要な役目を遂行した。大学生のグループは、大部分の国家的問題に積極的に介入しようとしている。彼らは1960 年と1987 年に起きた二度の韓国市民革命において、主力として参加した。彼らのこのような役目に注目するなら、当然彼らが日本に対して持っている認識と、特に慰安婦問題に対する彼らの意識を理解することが重要である。それは韓国社会が将来進んでいかなければならない方向を暗示している。
私は韓国社会の変化と動態性を強調しようと思う。また民族主義的性向を強く持つ韓国のメディアと市民団体の影響から、比較的自由な立場にある一般の大学生たちの歴史問題に対する認識がかなり変わりつつあるという事実を見付けた。私は去る2 年間、韓国内の2大学での授業時間中に、学生たちに課題を提示した。そして、そのレポートを通して彼らの率直な考えに接することができた。去る7 月には18 人の韓国の大学生たちを引率して、日本の大学生100 人あまりと韓日学生フォーラムを開催した。このフォーラムを通じて両国の若い大学生たちの、慰安婦問題に対する率直な見解を直接聞くことができた。今回の発表はこのような経験と資料に根拠しているのである。
慰安婦問題に関する韓国の大学生らの見解を提示する前に、先にこの問題が韓国社会にどのように提示され、進行されたのかを調べる必要がある。慰安婦問題は1980 年代末に韓国で知られ始めて、1991年12 月に本格的に申し立てられた。 3人の慰安婦被害女性を含む市民団体らが、日本政府を相手に法廷闘争を始めた。彼らの要求は日本政府の公式謝罪と被害に対する補償だった。特にこの問題は国家レベルでの歴史清算問題を越えて、普遍的女性人権問題として扱われ始めた。
(1) NGO
NGO は韓国の市民運動において、大衆の参加を組織して動く最も重要な制度的資源である。韓国のNGO 運動は民主化闘争を通じて発展して来た。言い換えれば、韓国のNGO は市民運動の理念と政治的価値を背景にしているということである。大部分の市民運動のリーダーらは、学生運動を通じて進出した。一部のリーダーたちは宗教団体を通じて輩出されたりもした。これは韓国の市民運動が出自的な同一性を背景にしているという意味で、多くの分野の団体が理念的志向において同質性を見せる現象に対する、社会学的解答でもある。
1990 年代慰安婦問題は市民団体たちにより主導され、一次的に両国政府に対する圧力を行使する目的で動員された。慰安婦問題を社会的に議題化して、具体的な行動綱領を提示しながら、韓国のNGO連合はこの議題を独占し始めた。彼らは国連とILOなど、国際フォーラムにこの問題を持って行きもし、国際的な支援ネットワークを構成し始めた。 2001年、東京での市民裁判を主導し、主要な集会を通して慰安婦問題を世界的議題として申し立てることに成功した。
韓国のNGO は依然としてこの問題と関連して極めて強い力を持っているが、最近その推進力が挫かれる現象が現われている。一部の女性リーダーらは引退したり政府に入閣したりし、また一部はこの問題に対して意志を失いつつある。大部分の韓国NGO らは世代交代や組職改編の必要性に直面している。
これまで韓国市民社会発展の原動力であると同時に中心としての役割を担当してきたNGO運動は、重大な岐路に直面している。新しい世代の登場と変化する社会的な現実に直面して、韓国のNGO がどのようにして次世代の指導グループを組み上げ、どのような問題を提示するかと云う問題が提議されている。このような変化はこれから慰安婦問題と関連して、韓国社会内の大衆的な世論の行方とも密接に係わった重大な問題である。
(2) フェミニズム(feminism)
(3) 民族主義
(4) 人権
彼らが提示する解決方案は、韓国のNGO が追い求める方向よりも理性的であり中道的である。一部の学生らは、一時に日本政府から降伏を引き出そうとする韓国NGO 団体たちの「一括主義的接近方法(all-at-once approach)」を現実的なものとして批判している。彼らは感情レベルでの近寄りもたらす危険を充分に認識している。次の四つの項目は筆者が彼らの多様な意見を収斂させて選ったものである。これは韓国の大学生たちの意識変化を現わしている。このように率直で成熟した認識がこれまで慰安婦問題解決のために努力して来た両国の市民活動家たちに、多少なりとも慰めとなってくれることを祈る。
(1) 軍事株の時代の普遍的人権問題で認識 ある学生は次のように言っている。 「…この問題は日本と韓国において人権運動の成熟を見るまでは徹底的に隠蔽されていた。こ

の問題は特に日本の人権運動が発展するに伴って大衆的な関心を引き始めた。慰安婦問題は日本帝国主義と男性による二重的少数者搾取の事例を見せてくれる…」 (李ジェミョン、環境工学科)

(2) 日本の市民運動と市民活動家らの努力を評価


(3) 韓日関係の大切さと必要性の認識

「…韓国と日本のNGO は、もっと協力して連携を強化させなければならない。これはただ慰安婦問題の解決のためのみならず、私たち両国民がより一層共通的な利害関係の中で生きて行かなければならない為である。」(全テリョン、情報通信学部)


の努力と交流がなされなければならない。私は日本の人々の真心がより多くの韓国人に伝えられることを期待する。 たとえアジア女性基金の力が微弱だとはいえ、彼らが本当に慰安婦被害者たちを助けようと思ったという点を理解する。何よりも重要なことは、慰安婦被害者が一番必要とするものが何であるかを知り、それを助けることである。 アジア女性基金の活動がより多くの韓国人に知らされる必要がある。そうすれば、より多くの韓国人が彼らの本心を理解することができるはずである。韓日両国はそれぞれ文化的な違いがあるのだから、より多くの交流と相互理解が必要である…」(南宮フン、産業工学科)
「…慰安婦問題の解決方案と関連して、政府補償が優先だという立場と市民レベルの補償が優先だという立場が対立している。私はこの両方ともに必要だと思う。政府の補償と同じく国民のレベルで本気を見せることも重要である。政府の補償を成就させるためには永い時間がかかるであろう。私たちは長期的な観点でこの問題解決のために努力しなければならない。自発的な国民の参加で成り立ったアジア女性基金の努力を歪曲せずに、日本国民の謝罪を受け入れる姿勢を見せる必要がある。韓国のような被害当事者は民間補償を日本政府の責任を回避するための政治的述策と見做す。しかし、私はこのような態度はまったく間違ったことだと思う。 私が一番重要なこと思うのは、韓国のNGO や政府がどう思うかと云うことではなく、慰安婦被害者女性が一番必要とするものが何なのであるのかを先に考えることである。」 (鄭ドングギュ、環境工学科)
第一に、問題をより広い視角、普遍的視角で眺めることである。 多くの学生らが指摘するように、慰安婦問題は日本だけの問題ではない。これは女性人権に対する蹂躙、あるいは軍事主義による強圧的搾取など、普遍的な問題認識のフレームの中で理解されなければならない。
「考えは世界的に、行動は地域的に」という国連のスローガンどおり、これからアジア女性基金が歴史問題を越えてアジアの女性問題、貧困問題、女性人身売買問題などの普遍的主題を扱って行くことができる団体として発展して行くことを希望する。 最後にある学生の文を引用して、この発表を終えようと思う。
「…アジア女性基金は創設当時に日本政府の支援を受けているので、厳密な意味でNGO と呼ぶことは難しいかも知れない。しかし、それは最小限、精神的なレベルで政府から独立した市民団体として活動しながら、存続されなければならない。もしアジア女性基金が他のアジアの市民団体と連帯を強化してともに普遍的問題を解決するのに主導的役目を遂行するのであれば、韓日間の不幸な歴史から始まった誤解と感情を解決するのに大きく役に立つことであろう。」 (金ボンス、建築工学部)
リッチ A. エクスマドゥ-ラリラ・ピリピーナフィリピン
「リラ・ピリピーナ」のサバイバーを代表して、私たちは、今回のラウンドテーブルの参加者全員、本日代表で参加された慰安婦団体の方々、女性のためのアジア平和国民基金(アジア女性基金)のスタッフおよびメンバー、仲間、ゲストの皆さんに心からの歓迎のご挨拶をしたいと思います。 この重要な会議に招待いただき私たちの立場を表明する機会を提供していただいたことを嬉しく思います。このような活動が、近い将来、この問題の迅速かつ適切なる解決に私たちを導いてくれるよう望んでいます。
フィリピン人慰安婦たちは1992年から11年間闘い続けてきました。従軍慰安婦サバイバー(立ち直った被害者の意)のフィリピン人女性の正義を全国的に支援する仕組みを提供するため、7つの女性団体から成るフィリピン慰安婦問題タスクフォース(TFFCW)が1992年7月13日に設立されました。このタスクフォースは、社会意識を高めるキャンペーンを始めました。65歳のマリア・ロサ・ルナ・ヘンソンは、9ヶ月間パンパンガのアンヘレスで軍の性的奴隷でしたが、被害について公に詳しく語ったフィリピン人慰安婦として最初の人です。それ以来、キャンペーン活動を支持しTFFCW を支援する女性の数はどんどん増えています。1994年5 月16 日、国民会議、そしてTFFCW のメンバーと慰安婦サバイバーの会議の結果、リラ・ピリピーナが組織されました。同じ年の6月25日、リラ・ピリピーナの活動が正式に開始されました。
1. 沈黙の50年
元慰安婦の人々は50年の間沈黙を保っていましたが、その間、第二次世界大戦時に経験した辛いトラウマにより、彼女たちは人生のあらゆる面において苦しんでいました。誘拐され、駐屯部隊に監禁されたとき残酷な扱いを受けたため、身体に怪我、傷、障害が生じました。そのような傷により日本軍兵士から受けた経験が辛く思い起こされます。 精神的には、臨床では心的外傷後ストレス障害(PTSD)として知られている症状に悩まされています。この精神障害は、戦争被害者や自然災害の被害者によく見られるもので、不眠、度重なる悪夢、不安が起こります。
2. 被害者からサバイバーへ
3. 日本の道義的責任を果たすための女性のためのアジア平和国民基金
11 年の間、フィリピン政府は慰安婦であった女性と彼女たちの戦いを無視してきました。リラ・ピリピーナの173 例のケースのうち、88人のロラたちがアジア女性基金からの受給を受け取り、その償い金を自分の闘い、自分自身、家族を支えるのに使っています。残りの人たちは自分の考えを守り、アジア女性基金を無視することにしました。ダバオのあるロラのケースがその1例です。死の床に伏せているときでさえも、アジア女性基金からの支援を受けようとはしませんでした。
4. 慰安婦問題の解決
(1) 日本政府は、慰安所および慰安婦制度の運営に関する戦争関連の公文書のあらゆる情報の完全なる公開におけるその責任を果たすこと。

(2) 被害者女性、その家族に対する日本政府からの適切な賠償を行うこと。

(3) 日本政府が、第二次世界大戦中の『慰安婦』による性的奴隷制についての事実を戦争犯罪として教科書および歴史に関する書籍に記述すること。

(4) 日本政府の報告に反することであるが、『慰安婦』を軍の性的奴隷として徴集しそのように扱ったことにおいて力と暴力を用いたことを日本政府が認めること。

(5) アジア女性を軍の性的奴隷として徴収したことにおいて直接的な役割を果たしたことについて、フィリピン人特に被害者女性とその家族に対して公式の謝罪を行うこと。


(1) 慰安婦制度を戦争犯罪として宣言するという公的立場を公布し、日本政府が制度化した性的奴隷制度に直接関与したことを非難し、被害者とその家族に正式な謝罪および補償を要求すること。

(2) 慰安婦問題について正式な調査および記録を行うこと。

(3) 第二次世界大戦中の慰安婦および慰安所についての真実をフィリピンの歴史に記載すること。ここには、教科課程、教科書、その他の公的教育施設および民間教育施設を問わず使用される教則資料も含まれる。

(4) 今の世代が侵略戦争の裏側にある悲しい現実を覚えておけるものとして、慰安婦および第二次世界大戦の犠牲者のための歴史的記念碑および聖堂を建てること。

(5) 被害者、サバイバー、その家族に実質的な支援を行うこと。

これまでに亡くなったロラの人数は39 人であり、多くの人が高齢に伴う病気(糖尿病、高血圧、リウマチ、肺気腫)に苦しんでいます。あるロラは昨年9 月25 日に89 歳で老衰で亡くなりましたが、彼女は正義を勝ち取ることができずにこの世を去って行った慰安婦としては39 人目となります。ロラたちにとって時間切れがせまっているのです。また、日本政府にとっても、罪を許され、彼女たちに戦争犯罪に対する賠償を行うチャンスを得るには時間切れとなりつつあります。
5. 私たちの痛みそして私たちが得たもの
1993 年4 月2 月、18名のフィリピン人慰安婦が日本の東京地裁で、第二次世界大戦中に行われた人道に対する罪の戦後責任、補償、賠償を求める訴えを起こしました。1993年9月には、さらに28名の原告が加わりました。この訴訟は、1907 年ハーグ条約、婦女売買禁止に関する国際条約、強制労働に関する条約、国際慣習法、戦争規約に準拠して行われました。原告は、軍の性的奴隷制は戦争犯罪であり、ゆえに日本政府は自己の法的責任を認め、それを果たすべきであると考えます。
しかし、この訴訟は、1998年10 月9 日に東京地裁より棄却され、2000年12 月6 日に東京高等裁判所からも再び棄却されました。両裁判所は、「被害者個人には国際法上の権利は認められておらず、本件は国家間の問題である」と主張しています。2000年12月20日にもう1件訴訟が起こされていますが、こちらは日本国最高裁判所での判決を待っている状態です。(その後最高裁判所は2003 年12 月25日棄却)
2000 年、リラ・ピリピーナは補償を求める法案のためのロビー活動を盛んに行いました。その法案は、「戦時性的被害者問題解決促進法案」といい、2001 年に日本の国会にて提出されました。現在この法案は日本の国会での通過待ちです。
2000 年9 月18 日、リラ・ピリピーナのふたりのロラが ホロコースト基金より名誉と尊厳の銘記すべき女性として賞を受けました。
リラ・ピリピーナの功績としては他に、2001年8 月31 日に国連経済的・社会的・文化的権利委員会の決議案を通過させたことにあります。その決議案の第26項および53項には、慰安婦に有利な論点が盛り込まれています。本決議案では、「女性のためのアジア平和国民基金(アジア女性基金)は、サバイバーが受けることのできる方策となってはいないとみなされる」ことを認めています。アジア女性基金が慰安婦の要求に応えているものだと日本政府は主張していますが、この基金は補償形態として認められていないままとなっています。
2001 年、日本政府の文部科学省は、第二次世界大戦についての聞こえの良い、ややこしくゆがんだ解釈を記載した「つくる会」の教科書を承認しました。これにより、リラ・ピリピーナでは、日本政府が慰安婦に関する歴史的事実を末梢しようとしていることを積極的に表明し、それに対して異議を申し立てました。リラ・ピリピーナは、日本大使館前で、GABRIELA、Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU:フィリピンの労働組合)と共に抗議活動を行いました。リラ・ピリピーナでは、歴史の歪曲に抗議する国際会議にも出席しています。
マニラ市主催のボニファシオ公園(Liwasang Bonifacio)において、4月22 日にフィリピン人慰安婦にとって最初の記念碑の建造が行われ、ロラたちにとっての勝利を意味する日となりました。この記念碑が建てられたというのは、地方自治体(LGU)が慰安婦と慰安所が国内に存在したということを始めて公式に認めたということになります。記念碑の設置は、慰安婦についての歴史的事実をフィリピンの歴史に織り込むためのリラ・ピリピーナのキャンペーンの一環でした。
2003 年9 月15 日、リラ・ピリピーナ はフィリピン文部省に出向き、教科課程、歴史の教科書、その他の教材に慰安婦についての事実を記載するよう求めました。代表者が5 千名を超える署名と共に嘆願書を提出し、フィリピンの歴史に慰安婦についての記載を盛り込むことを強く要求しました。
フィリピン人慰安婦は、アメリカ大使館の前で、「アメリカのイラク戦争に対する異議」を叫びました。「第二次世界大戦から学べ」、または「アメリカの侵略戦争にNO を!」と書かれたプラカードを掲げ、ロラたちは特にアメリカによる侵略戦争への反対の立場を主張しました。ロラらは、自分たちが第二次世界大戦中の軍の性的奴隷の被害者であることを何度も繰り返して叫び、女性と子どもが主に影響を受ける軍国主義と暴力に対して戦い続けています。
7. 前を向いて
私たち、すなわちロラ、支援者、これからの世代の人たちは、軍の性的奴隷制度が二度と繰り返されることのないという確証を求めています。最近の経過(憲法第9 条の改訂、平和維持軍の展開など)を見ると、日本の軍国主義の再起につながる恐れがあるため、非常に不安をあおるものとなっています。私たちの不安は高まっており、私たちは、アメリカが主導するいわゆる「戦争とテロ」を支持する日本政府およびフィリピン政府が取る立場を強く非難します。私たちは、正義に基づく日本人の呼び掛けに賛同します。次なる世代の人たちに慰安婦を経験させてはならないのです。
イボンヌ メイ・ジュン・リン 台北女性労働者のためのセンター
スージュン・ファン・リー 女性社会協会代表 台湾
イボンヌ メイ・ジュン・リン
台湾での性的に暴力を受けた女性たちに脚光が当たったのは1992 年のことでした。この時に台湾の被害者が身分を隠しそして涙ながらに自分たちの身に起きたことを公にしました。そしてそのことがきっかけになり多くの女性がNGOの台北市婦女救援福利事業基金会(婦援会:TWRF)の扉を開けていきました。婦援会は戦争中に性的に暴力を受けた女性たちを支援する政府による団体NGO で1996 年までに婦援会は78 名の生存者を確認し、そのうち14 名は現地の女性でした。それでは、すでにこれら女性たちは高齢になっておりますが、台湾の社会がどういうかたちでこの女性たちに確固たる支援を提供すべきなのでしょうか。2000 年、女性の国際戦犯法廷が東京で行なわれ、これがきっかけになって台湾の女性団体がこの問題に関して結束することになりました。政府から委託されたいちNGO の活動から19 のNGO の連帯へと発展していきました。そのことにより2000 年女性法廷に連帯する台湾の行動・台湾アクションアライアンスから57 名の代表がこの法廷に参加し、そしてこのアライアンスが12 名の生存者に同行しました。この12 名の生存者はこの法廷で証言をしております。この時の費用、旅費は63 パーセントが政府によって、27パーセントは寄付金によってまかなわれました。ここで彼女たちが参加したということは大変大きな意味を持っております。この法廷がきっかけになって歴史的な観点から慰安婦問題を見るということが生まれたのです。
そして合計42名の被害者に台湾政府は弔慰金として計50万台湾ドルを支給しました。それ加えて市民団体による資金で各被害者に50 万台湾ドルの支給がありました。すでに高齢となり、また病に冒されている高齢の女性ですけれども、それぞれ国民健康保険でまかなわれており、申請した人に関しては特別生活年金も支給されています。しかしそれでも病院の費用、病院に向かう際のタクシー代など、そしてまた日常品を買うためのお金が彼女たちに負担となっています。女性によっては独りで住んでいる場合、家族がいない場合には、自分の葬式の費用すら準備できないと心配をしている方もいます。
スージュン・リーさんが率いる別の女性団体が政府によりますこの支援について、また1992 年3名の女性が私たちよりも先にこうしたことを表明していましたので彼女たちのことをスージュン・リーさんからのちほどお話いただこうと思います。
こういった女性たちは20 世紀に起こった戦争による悲劇のまさに生き証人であります。そして社会から消えていこうとしています。今25 名の被害者が生存しているだけです。そのうち8 名が東京地方裁判所に対して裁判を起こしています。でもその裁判の後でも私たちは問いつづけます。彼女たちが生活するのを自分たちはどのように助けられるだろうか。どのようにしたら彼女たちの苦しみを癒すことができ、今おかれている暗い影の中、そして何年も耐えてきた呪われた人生から歩み出すことを助けることができるのだろうか。この目的のために私たちは 「Listen(聴) Look(看) Think(想)」という本を出版しました。これは社会に対してこうした女性たちの声を聞き、法的な援助の限界をよく見つめ、私たちができることはなにかということを考えようと呼びかけたものであります。そして私たちは学校とも協力しまして、こういった問題を若い世代の意識に上らせることに努めています。それは講義とか、シンポジウムとか、本のプロモーションを通じて行おうと思っています。
そしてこのような性的な犠牲の苦しい問題というのはまだ私たちが21 世紀にも引きずっていく問題として残っておりますし、グローバル化が進むにつれてよくなるどころか悪くなっていると言わざるをえません。台湾は女性の人身売買を受け入れ、また中継点になっておりその中心的な役割を果たしています。東南アジアからの女性が他の国へ売られていく際の中継場所になっているわけです。さらにまた台湾女性もマフィアの手にかかって日本の売春宿に売られているということがあります。台湾の中でも特に多くのもともとの原住民の人々が住んでいるシュリン地区、シュリン村というところですが、そこは今一番女性たちの人身売買の起こっている率が高いといわれています。
国際社会が若い女性の人身売買についてより注目しなくてはならないと思います。この人身売買とは一国のみで解決することはできない、多国間にわたる問題です。しかし政治的な力の関係でしょうか、台湾政府は他の国の政府と他国に渡る犯罪を解決するために連携が組むことが難しい問題となっています。しかしこれは台湾のみが損をするという問題ではなく、その近隣諸国においても問題となるはずです。NGO による確固たる国際ネットワークを確立し、この人身売買における調査内容、情報、また人身売買に対する戦いの経験などをお互いに共有していくべきだと思います。台湾ではこの問題に関して19 の団体においてネットワークができ始めています。
台湾政府の慰安婦であった女性に対する支援ですが、内政部を通じて行なわれています。申請した女性に支援が行われていきます。私たちは1992 年の段階で被害者に当たる女性が78 名いるということがわかりました。この政府が調査を行う時にはこの生存者は42 名になっていまして、現在の生存者は25 名となっております。彼女たちに1 万5000 台湾ドル(約500US$)が支給され、身の回りの支援をこれでまかなう、例えば、外出したいときに支援をする、つまりついていく、というようなことが行われてきました。そしてまたさきほどイボンヌさんがおっしゃっていましたように、民間団体の活躍もありまして50 万台湾ドルが支給されるという状況にいたっています。
ここに来る前に、あるおばあちゃんに会ってきましたが、彼女はまだ幸せなほうだと思います。彼女には義理の孫息子がいまして、この孫息子はおばあさんに非常に優しく接しておりました。しかし彼女は国際戦犯法廷に参加しました。そして帰国したときに待ち受けていたのがマスコミのカメラだったのです。そして各方面から写真を撮られ、彼女の映像がテレビで全国に流れてしまったわけです。それを見た孫息子、そして孫息子の嫁は非常に大きなショックを受けました。彼らも親戚もこのことを知らなかったのです。それからというもの彼女の家には電話がひっきりなしにかかるようになり、なぜこういうことを公にしたんだ、親戚の恥ではないかという批判を受けるようになりました。その後、彼女は外出することもできなくなりました。マーケットに出かけるたびに後ろ指を刺して「あの女だ」といわれるのです。非常に悲しいことですが彼女は彼女の小さなアパートにひきこもった生活を送っています。自分のこの人生は何だったのであろうと、悲しい思いで過ごしているということです。私たちが彼女に会ったとき、また彼女の話を聞いたとき、私たちも非常に心が痛みました。彼女は80 歳のおばあさんであり、社会に出て行くことができないわけです。なぜならば社会が彼女を受け入れてくれないからです。これは彼女のせいでも社会のせいでもない。東アジアではどこでも同じような状況なのだと思います。人々はこういうことが起きたということを直視できておりません。これは彼女たちの恥だと考えています。そして歴史の中の悲劇であるということを認められずに、直視できずにいるのです。
M.J. ハマー モノ ド デ フロデヴィーユ
オランダ事業実施委員会 オランダ
1. なぜ「慰安婦」被害者は50 年経たなければ声をあげられなかったのか?

(1) 100%オランダ人女性

(2) 混血の女性

(3) 上記両方のカテゴリーのうち既婚の女性

(4) ずっと続く精神的な傷の原因と結果について

2. 「慰安婦」の戦後の生活状況

3. 他の戦争被害者との戦後の環境の比較

4. 「慰安婦」の現在の生活 先進国に住む女性たちとインドネシアに住む女性たちを区別している。そうすることによって事業給付金がそれぞれにどのように使われたかがわかるからである。

5. 「慰安婦」被害者が事業給付金を受け取った意義とは?

(1) 橋本首相のお詫びの手紙の重要性

(2) 生活改善事業の開始の時

(3) 「慰安婦」問題は生活改善事業を行ったことによってオランダでは解決したのか

(4) この問題が本当に終わるための方法

6. 男性の被害者

7. 若い世代を中心として社会にどのように伝えていくか

なぜ「慰安婦」被害者は50 年経たなければ声をあげられなかったのか?
(1) 100%オランダ人女性 当時16 歳以上であった(16歳以下の少女たちもいたが)少女たちのほとんどは当時のオランダ領インドネシアにおいて上級・中級の家庭で育っていた。多くの父親はオランダ政府の役人や公務員、また農園経営者や工場主、貿易商などであった。これらの家庭のほとんどは現地人を雇っていた。当時、白人の雇い主、その家族と雇われた現地人との間には大変な隔たりがあった。親切に接してはいてもオランダ人と使用人の間には溝があった。オランダ人の子どもたちは現地人の子どもたちと遊ぶことは禁止されており、また現地の言葉を話すことも習うことも許されなかった。が実際には起こりえたことだった。使用人は雇い主の庭に家族とともに住んでいたからである。また使用人たちはオランダ人家族のすぐそばに住んでいたため、子どもたちはお互いに肩が触れる機会はたくさんあった。オランダ人の子どもたちは「Baboe」と呼ばれるインドネシア人の乳母に育てられたり面倒を見てもらったりしていた。彼女たちは大変熱心であった。しかしオランダ人の子どもたちが土着の人々と付き合うことはなかった。明らかにアジア人と親しくするということはよくないと考えられていた。少女たちは躾られこのことに気をつけていた。それゆえにアジア人男性から性的虐待を受けることや、レイプされることはたいへんな屈辱となっていた。
第二次世界大戦前は性教育は行われておらず、また性に関する話題はタブーとされていた。少女たちは結婚すればわかることとされ、必要だと思われていなかった。当時結婚前の性交渉は受け入れられないものだったのである。学校での性教育さえ存在しなかった。こうして少女たちは自分自身の身体についてもお互いへの愛情に基づく性行為についても知らなかったのである。それゆえに彼女たちが日本軍の「慰安所」で受けた経験は彼女たちに身体的な影響だけでなく精神的に深刻な影響を及ぼしたことは明らかである。そしてこの恐ろしい経験が彼女たちの性生活を大変否定的なものにしてしまったことも明白である。 「慰安婦」にされたすべての女性たちは人間の名誉と尊厳を著しく侵害されたことで深い精神的な傷に苦しんでいる。日本軍による性的虐待やレイプは屈辱なのだ。100%オランダ人女性にとってそれがアジア人男性に関することであるからトラウマがより深くなっているのである。
(2) 混血の女性 混血の女性たちのほとんどが収容所の外にいることを許されていたが、比較的(血の)割合の低い混血の女性も何名か同様に捕虜収容所に収容された。外にいることを許された混血の女性たちの(血の)割合は高かった。彼女たちは自分の夫が男性用の収容所に連れて行かれたり、または軍に入隊し、その後捕虜(POW)になるなどしている間、自分の家で子どもたちと過ごしていた。
これら家族と現地の人々との差は小さかった。なぜなら混血であるということと100%オランダ人の少女たちに比べ父親の地位が低かったからである。しかし土着人と同様、白人のほとんどは、完全な白人でもなく完全なインドネシア人でもないこうした人々を下等なものと見なしており、彼らは戦争中大変孤立していった。父親不在によってこれら家族は危機に陥り貧しくなっていった。彼らの立場は大変孤立してしまった。彼らの間に捕虜収容所の“en masse” に収容されたオランダ人女性たちのようなある種の団結というものはなかった。オランダ人女性たちは自分たちが立ち向かわなければならない宿命に対してお互いに助け合うことができた。そして彼女たちはすべてのものを失ってはいたが、仲間として生きるというある種の団結心は持っていたのである。特に終戦前の数年は収容所の中
ような緊張感やストレスの中でもいつもお互いを信頼し助け合った。 確かに明らかにそのひどい生活環境によって人権を侵害されたと言うことはできるが、その劣等感を話すことができずにいるのである。このグループの影響はそれゆえ大変強いものとなっている。*端的な例を表わすとすれば、いくつかの収容所では女性たちが集団で自分の娘たちが「慰安所」に連れて行かれるのを防ぐために入り口のところに立っていた。
(3) 両方のカテゴリーのうち結婚した女性
第3 の区別は「慰安婦」とされた女性たちのうち100%オランダ人、混血ともに未婚の若い少女たちとすでに結婚していた女性たちの間にある。既婚の女性は明らかに性のことに関して何も知らないということはなかった。
a. たびたび表れる激しい悲しみ

b. ほとんど表れない激しい怒り

c. 閉じ込めてしまった激怒

d. 羞恥心

(4) ずっと続く精神的な傷の原因と結果について 100%オランダ人の女性についても混血の女性についても感情的なことは前述のとおりだが、なぜ第二次世界大戦中、南東アジアにおいて日本軍によって「慰安婦」にされた女性たちは50 年間沈黙を守ってきたのだろうか。戦時中の耐えがたい経験について戦後50年経って沈黙を破ったのは彼女たちのうちほんのわずかである。 一方で当時こうしたことが起こっていたということを知らされていなかったという重要な面もある。結果としてこの問題に関して戦後勇気をもって、大変注意深く話そうとする人がいたとしても、誰も信じなかったであろう。この問題に関して女性たちは醜い売春婦、協力者と見なされた。なぜなら多くの既婚女性の夫が自分のもとから離れていき、また家族から拒絶された女性もいたからである。彼女たちは直感的にこれらを理解した。そしてなにより自分たちの身の上に起こった事実を恥じた。彼女たちは再び屈辱を受けることを嫌い、そしてそれゆえに「沈黙」“Schtum”を守ることを選んだのである。 日本は第二次世界大戦前、そして大戦中に軍の「慰安所」を立て、女性たちを彼女たちの意思に反して、また騙して集めてきていたという罪があるということが明らかになる以前、アジアの女性たちの代表、そしてオランダ対日道義的債務基金(JES)も日本政府に公式謝罪と賠償のための立法を求め、訴訟手続きを始めた。 そのときになってやっといやいやながら最初の被害者が名乗りでた。90年代になって2 人のオランダ人女性が勇気を持って名乗り出て自分たちのことを語り始めたのである。不幸なことにそれまでの間にオランダ人被害者の多くは亡くなっており、また生存している被害者は過去に起こったことをひたすら隠しており、二度とつらい経験をしたくないと考えていた。 1998 年にオランダ事業実施委員会(PICN)は被害者に届くように新聞やその他の媒体に広告を出してオランダにおいてアジア女性基金を通じて行なわれる生活改善事業に申請するかどうかを被害者たちに聞いた。そして75 名の女性たちと4 名の男性が申請した。 これら79 名がオランダ事業実施委員会より事業対象者と認められた。
2. 「慰安婦」被害者の戦後の生活状況
(1) 多くの女性たちはこのひどい悲劇をのちの夫と分かち合った。(子供たちとも分かち合っ


(2) 「慰安所」にいたころに受けたひどい虐待が原因で子どもができない女性たちもいた。

(3) 日本軍人との間に子どもが生れた女性もいた。こうした子どもたちは彼女たちやのちの夫とともに育てられた。自分たちの子どもを諦めた人もほんの少しいた。

(4) 夫にも誰にも話していない女性たちもいた。結婚生活において性生活が出来なくなることを恐れたためである。こうした結婚は不幸なことに多くの場合離婚という結果に終わった。新たにパートナーをみつけた人もいたが、多くの人が残りの人生を独りでいることを選んだ。事業実施委員会の申請担当者の私に向けた彼女たちの手紙には、初めて自分の秘密を打ち明けるのはあなただと書いてあった。なぜなら彼女たちは生活改善事業に申請することを選択し、そのために自分の過去を話さなければならなかったからである。しかしそれは全くの他人である私独りにである。彼女たちにとって自分の受けた傷や感情を書くことは大変耐えがたいことであったが、しかしまた解放させたかのようでもあった。

(5) 男性不信に陥り結婚しなかった女性もいる。彼女たちの多くは私に打ち明けるまで誰にも明かさなかった。家族にだけ打ち明けている人もいた。

3. 他の戦争被害者との戦後の環境の比較
オランダ人「慰安婦」が他の戦争被害者に比べ、50 年経つまで話すことができなかったのか、そして今でも話すことができない人もいるのか、その訳は自分自身を守るためであった。もう一つの理由としてはオランダ人被害者はアジアの被害者と比べ強い運動体と連帯していなかったからである。そしてまた多くの被害者が戦後さまざまな国に移住したからである。彼女たちは世界中に散りぢりになり、自分たちだけで新しい生活を作り上げなければならなかった。オランダに戻った女性たちも新しい生活を見つけることに追われ、連帯して、グループとして行動していくことを議論する余裕もなかった。これに対しアジアでは連携がうまれていた。しかしのちにお互いに話し合うことができるようになり、代表者に話すことも独りでも話すことができるようになった。
4. 「慰安婦」の現在の生活
多くの女性たちは戦後オランダに帰ってきた。 他の帰還者同様、第二次世界大戦でダメージを受けた国で新しい生活を始めた。戦後帰還してきた戦争被害者の状況に対してほとんど(オランダ国内で)理解が得られなかった。なぜならオランダ国民はみな戦後国を建て直すことで忙しかったからである。つい最近になってオランダ政府はこうした戦争被害者をかつて冷たく受け入れたことを認めた。オランダ政府は最近、この冷遇に対してユダヤ人被害者やジプシー同様に”Gesture”と呼ばれるオランダ領インドネシアからの帰還者に対して小額の補償を行なった。
5. 「慰安婦」被害者が事業給付金を受け取った意義とは?
(1) 橋本首相のお詫びの手紙の重要性 コックオランダ前首相に宛てた橋本首相のお詫びの手紙は被害者たちにとって大変大きな意味を持っている。この手紙の中で橋本首相は第二次世界大戦中に日本が女性たちの尊厳を侵害したことを認め、心からのお詫びを表している。「慰安婦」被害者たちは道義的な面に基づくアジア女性基金を通した日本政府のお金でなく、日本政府から直接、公式に(賠償)金を受け取ることを望んでいたが、彼が罪を認め、謝罪をしたということで、アジア女性基金の事業給付金を受け取り易くなった。

(2) 生活改善事業の開始の時 オランダ人「慰安婦」被害者が事業給付金を受け取ろうと決心したのは彼女たちの年齢を考えてのことだった。時間は流れており、今(受け取る)かそれとも何もなしか、という感があった。私はこれがもっと以前の事業であったらほとんどの女性たちはアジア女性基金からの給付金を拒否していただろうと確信している。道義的な責任の変わりに、彼女たちは自分たちの苦しみに対する日本政府からの公式な謝罪のみを要求したであろう。しかしながら橋本首相からのお詫びの手紙には日本政府は「慰安婦」に対する道義的責任を痛感しと述べられており、日本国民からのお詫びを表すためにアジア女性基金と協力してオランダにおいて生活改善事業が立ち上げられた。 今日では多くの女性たちが日本国民、そして日本の企業がお詫びのためにアジア女性基金に対して寄附を行っていることを大変重要だと思っている。特に日本国民からのお詫びの気持ちが、いつになるかわからない日本政府による賠償を求めて闘うよりももっと心を動かした。 まとめれば、すべての女性たちがついに正義を手に入れたと感じているのである。しかし彼女たちはもっと早くに法的に罪を認め、謝罪し、賠償されるべきであったと考える。そうすれば彼女たちもそして既に亡くなってしまった人たちにももっと早い段階で改善がなされたであろう。

(3) 「慰安婦」問題は生活改善事業を行ったことによってオランダでは解決したのか? アジア女性基金の生活改善事業を立ち上げたことで「慰安婦」問題は解決したのか。これは大変難しい問題だろう。答えは「ノー」である。オランダ人「慰安婦」被害者の感情を考えれば、日本政府が「慰安婦」被害者全員に法的に賠償する責任はないとし、アジア女性基金を通じて道義的な責任のみ支払いを行っている限りは解決されない。

(4) この問題が本当に終わるための方法 最も重要なことは日本政府がすべての「慰安婦」被害者に賠償できるよう法律を通過させ、できるだけ早く実施することである。日本政府が裁判によってでなく自発的に行ったとすればこれは計り知れないほどの意味をもつ。たとえそれが残念ながら遅すぎたとしても、そのときなって初めて「慰安婦」問題が完全に解決されたという結論になるのである。

6. 男性の被害者
終わりに男性被害者について述べたいと思う。事業実施委員会は4 名の男性を事業対象者と認めた。彼らは第二次世界大戦中の8歳から10歳の少年だった頃、日本軍の軍人らから脅され、自分たちの意思に反して非道に組織的に性的虐待やレイプを受けたためであり、これは「慰安婦」にされた女性たちの状況となんら変わらないものである。
レイプや性的虐待を受けたことによるこの男性たちの身体的なダメージは女性たちと同じである。一方、大変感情的な面でいえば、彼らは同性愛的に虐待されたのでありこれは彼らの自然の性に反している。結果として彼らの人生に否定的な影響を与えてしまった。「恥」だと思う気持ちは女性たちと同じもしくはそれ以上かもしれない。これらの少年たちは自信を失った、傷つき易い大人になってしまった。3 人の男性は結婚し子どもをもうけたが、少年時代のこの恐ろしい記憶は妻には話せなかった。また話してもごく簡単に話すだけだった。
4 人目の少年は結婚をせず、何度も放浪してインドに定住した。そこで小さな商売を始めた。孤独な生活を送っていたが最近亡くなった。
私が「強制売春」被害者の男性について述べたことはすべて、女性たちと同じことである。日本軍人によって若い頃に自分たちの意思に反してそして恐れの中で受けた凶暴なレイプや性的虐待は、彼らの中に、彼らの人生に消えることのない傷を残した。 7. 若い世代を中心として社会にどのように伝えていくか
人々に知らせることに寄与するため私はオランダのフィルム製作者Jan de Ruijter のドキュメンタリー制作に参加した。(彼は2 つのユダヤ人戦争被害者のドキュメンタリーで2 つの賞を受けている)。このドキュメンタリーのなかで4 人の人々が第二次世界大戦中のオランダ領インドネシアでの日本軍収容所での経験を話している。10歳を過ぎていた2 人の男性は母親から離され、男性収容所に連れて行かれた。彼らは大変感情的にこのときのことを語り、このときのことが後の人生に大変大きな影響をもたらしたといった。また87 歳の男性は戦争が始まった頃の反日運動や収容所時代のこと、そして戦後女性たちや子どもたちの世話を申し出たことを語った。私は両親の日記に基づいて自分が2~4歳だった当時のことを語った。私は母とアンバラワ、バンユ・ビルの捕虜収容所に収容された。このドキュメンタリーの最後の方で私は自分が行ったアジア女性基金のオランダにおける生活改善事業の仕事について語った。
製作者は「慰安婦」問題について「記憶をたどる道」をつないでいくため他のドキュメンタリーを作ろうとしている。すでに2 人のオランダ人「慰安婦」がこのドキュメンタリーに出演することになっている。彼女たちは第二次世界大戦中、何も知らないたくさんの少女たちが受けた悪を世界中に伝えていくことが重要であると知っているのである。同じ理由から私もこのドキュメンタリーに出演する。
ハーグにて 2003 年10 月
M.J. Hamer . Monod de Froideville オランダ事業実施委員会委員長、申請担当者 訳 Rijckborst. Van Houweninge オランダ事業実施委員会書記
臼杵敬子 日本の戦後責任をハッキリさせる会 日本
日本の戦後責任をハッキリさせる会、通称「ハッキリ会」の代表をしております臼杵と申します。私自身がジャーナリストとして雑誌とかテレビでいろいろな問題を報道する側いた、1990年の6 月、戦後補償がされてないということを韓国内で訴えるためにプサンからソウルまで約500 キロを徒歩で行進していた、こちらにいらっしゃるヤンスニムさんを代表とする太平洋戦争犠牲者遺族会にインタビューしまして、そのときに私が大きなショックを受けました。それは何かといいますと、日韓の場合の戦後補償問題、つまり戦後処理問題は日韓条約で全て解決したということになっていましたが、被害当事者の方と話してみたら、自分の親がどこで戦死したか、そして生死も分らない、遺骨も帰ってきていない、もちろん日本の兵隊として死んだ軍人軍属に対しても一銭の補償もされていない。全て放置されたまま政府対政府では日韓条約で全てが終わったという認識をもっていることについて、また自分自身もそのように認識していたことが、全然問題の解決はされていないという事実を知って衝撃を受けたわけです。
先ほどヤンさんもおっしゃいましたけれども、そのときに慰安婦問題だけでなく一緒に問題化している軍人軍属の問題、強制連行の問題、遺族の問題も一緒に解決して欲しい。これは韓国だけではなくてサハリンの人、台湾の軍人軍属の方、インドネシアで傭兵にされた人たちの問題、さまざまな問題が噴きあがったわけです。その中で日本政府特有の特化、中でも一番世間体が悪いというか、大きな問題とされている慰安婦問題についてとりあえずなにかやらなくてはならないということで、1994 年に社会党、さきがけ、自民党の連立政権下で、95年の戦後50 年に向けて戦後処理問題を何らかの形で前進しましょうという政府の意思がありまして、従軍慰安婦問題小委員会を日本の与党の中に作りどのように解決するかということが討議されたわけです。私どもがどうしたかと言うと、ここにいらっしゃるおばあさんたちとともに小委員会に対して政府が責任を持って個人補償をするようにと強く訴えかけて11 月の20 日過ぎから12 月の6 日頃まで約2 週間にわたって国会前で座り込みをしました。しかしその結果、その当時の政府与党、連立で決めたのは、「何らかの償い事業をする」ということと「今日的な女性のための事業をする」。その2 つでした。そのときにはまだ基金を作るというような構想には至っていなかったわけですけれども、その中で自民党が反対したことが1 点あります。大きく反対したのは何かと言いますと、被害者に対して絶対に補償はさせない、ということです。「補償」つまり日本政府からのお金は1 円たりとも渡さないという内規の秘密文書を作ってお互いに確認し、何らかの物質を与えるのであればいいけれども、補償といえる金額を直接渡すということはわれわれはできないということをはっきり明言したわけです。
そういう中で1995 年7 月にアジア女性基金ができました。本人に渡る部分については国民から広く寄付を集めて、これは国民個人のお金による募金ですから政府のお金ではないので、国民の善意として、反省の表れとして個人に渡しましょう。その代わり政府ができる事業として「医療福祉支援事業」という形で被害当事者に何らかのことができないかということで始まったわけです。みなさんご存知だと思いますが、フィリピン、台湾については私はそんなに詳しくはわかりませんけれども、結果的には当初に言っていた1 円たりとも現金を被害当事者に渡すことができないということが、アジア女性基金を通して「医療福祉支援事業」として韓国・台湾については300 万円、フィリピンにおいては120 万円のお金が渡った事実は、実質的な補償ではないかと私は思っております。しかしそれは政府がきちんとこれは「補償だ」と言わない限りは、「補償」にならないわけで、それについて結局は中途半端な、せっかくの日本政府からの部分が評価されないまま中途半端な形で被害者の元に渡り、そして首相の手紙がついたにもかかわらず評価が低いということは、これはいろいろな日本国内の問題があるとはいえ、被害者に対して非常にまずい、本当にプラスにならない方法だったと思っております。
韓国の場合をもう少し詳しくいいますと、その間に私も実際におばあさんたちや遺族会の人たちと話し合いながらどういう「補償に近い方法」ができるのか、具体的な方法を含めいろいろ検討しました。あまりに問題が多すぎてすべてを同時にやるというのは難しいので、初めは政府が慰安婦問題をやるということでしたら、慰安婦問題を突破口として、ゆくゆくは慰安婦だけではない同じ女性たちの遺族の問題、さらには強制連行された男性の問題、兵隊の問題、そうしたことも「女性のための」をとって「アジア平和国民基金」になれば大きく広がる可能性があるのではないかと。実際に労組の方も一緒に、労組の方はアジア女性基金の運営審議会委員や理事になったりして、私たちは外から、 内と外からとアジア女性基金を内容を変えていこうというような計画を持ってやっていました。10 年近く経ったいまでも「女性のための」、相変わらず「女性のための」ということだけで他の問題についてはまったく手付かずという状況です。
韓国の場合は過酷な状況の中で、1997年1 月に7 人の方が受け取ったわけです。基金がお渡しするときに間違えたと、私がしこりに残っているのは、韓国の中でおばあさん7人が受け取りたいということに対して、お渡しした場合に個人、7人がどうなるかということをきちんと考えるべきであったと思うんですね。その受け取った個人のところに非難、中傷、妨害がいかないように、防波堤を作るべきだったと思います。その防波堤とは何か。ちゃんと基金が記者会見をして、そして韓国民の前に訴えかけて、基金は誠意をもってこういう募金をし、そして日本政府からもこういう形で被害者のために何らかの形の償いをしようとしていると、その姿勢をはっきり明言すべきだったと思います。ところが記者会見が行われたのは東京でした。なぜソウルでしなかったか。私はその前日にそのことを知って、ソウルで記者会見をしないとこそこそと支給をしていると誤解をされて、被害当事者のところに被害がいくからそれは絶対にやめるべきだと訴えたわけですが、結局そういう配慮はされず、予見していたように、おばあさんたちはまるで非国民のように攻撃されたわけです。私はそこのところが日本側の、基金の配慮がなかった部分であり、大きなミステイクを犯した部分になって、事業を相当に遅らせたと思っております。基金は最初から不十分な点があったわけですから、それを承知の上でどうやって対話の中で誠意を持って説明していくかという点が非常に欠けていたし、その欠けている姿勢というのは今も本当に欠けたままではないかと思っております。
最後に韓国のおばあさんたちがどういう状況にあるかといいますと、シンミジャさんもおっしゃいましたけれど、韓国の場合は元慰安婦であったということに対して、非常に社会的な差別が強いです。それは陰に陽にでてきます。まず一番つらいのは身内から慰安婦であったということは公表してくれるな、それは自分の家紋を汚すことだという大きな反発があります。慰安婦であったことを認めている家族というのは私が知っている限り、1人か2 人位しかおりません。そのことに対して恥ずかしいから、うちの親族ではないと言われて孤立している人がかなり多いです。そういう状況の中で遺族会に登録したり挺対協に登録しながらこの間活動してきたわけですけれども、ただこの間の運動としてはおばあさんが思っている孤独感を癒すような細かいケアができたかというと残念ながらまったくされておりません。韓国の場合は結婚も1 度もできず80 になって1 日何を考えているかと言えば、たとえば私の知っているおばあさんの例で言いますと、なぜ自分の一生がこうだったのかということを切ないくらいに考え続けているわけですね。なぜ自分には夫がいないのか、子どもがいないのか、孫がいないのか考えている。戦争中に兵隊に殴られた傷が年とともに出てきて痛み出している。手を捻じ曲げられた古傷がずきずき痛んだりそれから銃剣で刺された古傷が今になって痛み出しているわけです。それにもかかわらず電話1 本かけて「大丈夫ですか」ということも、訪ねて「どういう暮らしをしていますか」と誰一人してくれる人がいない。病院に入院しても誰も見舞い客が来ない。自分の隣のベッドの人には孫、息子が来て「おばあちゃんどうですか」と言っている。自分には誰もいない。その人はあまりにも恥ずかしいので自分で外に出て果物屋さんで果物を買って、それを病院の人にお願いして自分のところに届けてもらったといって孤独感を切々と訴えています。今は生きているのが死ぬよりつらい日々であると電話でも何度も言っています。こうした状況の中で、できればシンミジャさんがおっしゃるようにおばあさんたちのための養老院などの施設を前々から基金には要望しているわけですけれども、いまだにできるともできないとも答えすら返ってきていませんが、そういう施設があればいいと思っていますし、緊急問題として取り組まなければならないと思います。緊急ケアセンターを民間型でも何らかの形で発足させて、お茶一杯、水一杯、どこが痛いという声だけでもすぐに聞けるような状況をつくらなければならないと韓国の今の状況を受けて考えております。そうしたことに少しでも前進できるように頑張りたいと思います。このセミナーを通して各国の状況も聞きたいと思いますのでよろしくお願いいたします。
稲葉道子 日本労働組合総連合会男女平等局日本
第二次世界大戦中に日本が行なったおろかな行為によって深刻な被害を受けた方の、今の毎日をどうするかという課題。日本国内で見られる性差別を助長しかねない動きにどう対峙するか、そして次の世代が二度とこのような蛮行をしないようにどう伝えていくか、どのように運動をつなげるか、この3 点が大きな課題であると思います。
日本では1999 年男女平等参画社会基本法が制定されて、地方自治体は男女が共同して参画できる社会作りをすすめなくてはならないと規定されました。このため地方自治体に対して条例をつくる運動をすすめていますが、これに対する反対勢力が表面化しています。性別の固定的な役割分担を推奨して、併せていわゆる愛国心を煽るような、一定の傾向を持った主張のようです。この動きは日本各地で見られています。昨日李先生が「日本の右傾化の傾向」とおっしゃったのが、このことを指すのかわかりませんが。
また、連合はILO の労働側委員として女性を半数近く派遣するなど、労働組合の国際会議に女性を派遣する努力を続けています。このことにより参加した女性の多くが世界に眼を開き、日本国内の課題だけでなくさまざまな課題を受け止めることができるようになってきています。そして韓国の労働組合傘下の女性などアジアの女性から、慰安婦問題についての指摘を頂いています。しかし率直に申しまして、労働組合で十分な議論をしてきたとは言えないとも思います。
本日データを手元に持っておりませんので韓国、フィリピン、台湾、オランダの状況はわかりません。日本のも正確にはわからないのですが、例えば労働組合の組合員に占める女性の割合は27パーセント弱です。組合の役員ですとか機関決定するための委員の中にいる女性は少なく、連合本部におきましても中央執行委員では15 パーセント弱、三役の女性は副会長と、副事務局長に1名ずつとなっております。

■韓国the Republic of Korea
沈美子 Sim Mi-ja 無窮花(むくげ)親睦会代表
Mukuge Friendship Society
梁順任 Yang Soon-im 太平洋戦争犠牲者遺族会名誉会長
金正任 Kim Jeong-im 太平洋戦争犠牲者遺族会全南支部長
The Society for the Bereaved Families of Pacific War
李元雄 Lee Wong-Won 関東大学教授
Kwandong University
■ フィリピンthe Philippines
Rechida A. Extremadura リラ・ピリピーナ
Carlota E. Mortel Lila-Pilipina
■ 台湾 Taiwan
Yvonne Mei Jung Lin 台北女性労働者のためのセンター代表
Taipei Grass-roots Women Worker’s Centre
Su-Jun Huang LEE 女性社会協会代表
The Community Women’s Association
■ オランダ the Netherlands (紙面による参加 Participated by Papers)
M.J.Hamer オランダ事業実施委員会委員長
Project Implementation Commitee in the Netherlands
■ 日本 Japan
臼杵敬子 Keiko USUKI 日本の戦後責任をハッキリさせる会
Association to Clarify the Post-war Responsibility of Japan
林 誠子 Seiko HAYASHI 日本労働組合総連合会副事務局長
稲葉道子 Michiko INABA 日本労働組合総連合会男女平等局
Japanese Trade Union Confederation

■ 女性のためのアジア平和国民基金 Asian Women’s Fund
有馬真喜子 Makiko ARIMA 理事 Director
伊勢桃代 Momoyo ISE 専務理事・事務局長 Secretary General
山口達男 Tatsuo YAMAGUCHI 理事 Director
橋本ヒロ子 Hiroko HASHIMOTO 運営審議会委員 Advisory Committee
松田瑞穂 Mizuho MATSUDA 事務局業務部長 Programme Director
間仲智子 Tomoko S. MANAKA 事務局 Staff

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