Testimony of Bishop Paul Yu Pin, Vicar Apostolic of Nanking

Testimony of Bishop Paul Yu Pin, Vicar Apostolic of Nanking, and statement of Rev. Ronald Norris, C.P. : before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, Seventy-eighth Congress, first session.

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タイトル:
George C. Marshall;Paul Yupin;O. K. Yui;Albert C. Wedemeyer
キャプション: Circa 1946: (L-R) Catholic Bishop of Nanking Paul Yupin, Lt. Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer, Gen. George C. Marshall and Dr. O. K. Yui, attending the People's Consultation Conf. (Photo by George Lacks/Time & Life Pictures/Getty Images)
作成日: 1946年1月1日

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George C. Marshall;Paul Yupin
于斌主教
Circa 1946: Catholic Bishop of Nanking Paul Yupin presenting Gen. George C. Marshall with scroll and Chinese red silk. (Photo by George Lacks/Time & Life Pictures/Getty Images)


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Paul Yupin is elevated to cardinal

Publication Date：04/20/1969
By line：L. T. Kan

Archbishop Paul Yupin was recently elevated by Pope Paul VI to the college of the cardinals. He will leave Taipei for the Vatican on April 21 for the ceremony to be held May 1.

Yupin, archbishop of Nanking since 1936, is one of two Chinese to have been named a cardinal since Roman Catholicism came to China in the 13th century. The first Chinese cardinal, named in 1946, was Thomas Tien, who died in 1967.

"I do not consider this as a personal honor", said the new cardinal, who is also a member of the National Assembly and president of Fu Jen University.


Heavier duties

"I am happy. I am happy for the Chinese people to have a cardinal. It is a great honor for the Nanking region, for Fu Jen University, and for my country."

The six-foot three-inch tall northern Chinese is a world-renowned scholar with four doctorates. He speaks seven languages fluently. He was the publisher of six daily newspapers and owner of the largest radio station in Shanghai.

Yupin feels that heavier duties and responsibilities will fall on his shoulders as a cardinal. He vows to do what he can with all his heart and mind for Christianity, for the country and for the world.

As an educator, he has helped hundreds of Chinese students get scholarships for advanced study in the United States and other countries.


Great venture

His greatest educational venture was the re-establishment of Fu Jen University in suburban Taipei several years ago. The University was originally founded by the Catholic church in 1927 in Peiping. After the Chinese Communists took over the mainland in 1949, Cardinal Yupin thought that Fu Jen University should be revived.

He wanted to reestablish the university in Taiwan. After years of preparation, he finally made it with support from the Chinese government and Catholic associations throughout the world.


3,000 students

In 1963, the new Fu Jen University opened and Yupin became the president. It has 3,000 students in the four colleges of literature, law, science and theology. Another college of commerce will be inaugurated in the autumn term this year.

The Cardinal has an ambitious plan to add more colleges of agriculture, engineering, medicine, languages and music. When the plan is completed, the university will be the biggest in the Republic of China. The Cardinal said that he needs more time and support to achieve this plan.


Sacred work

Born in Heilungkiang in 1901, Cardinal Yupin first attended the Roman Catholic church when he was 13. At the age of 18, he was studying in Peiping when he became involved in the youth movement launched on May 4, 1919. He escaped persecution from a local warlord by fleeing to Shanghai with the help of a Frenchman, Bishop Caspais.

Bishop Caspais helped Yupin to attend school in Shanghai and then to Rome for advanced education. At the age of 27, he received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from St. Thomas Academy. The following year, he received his Doctor of Divinity from the church's University of Propaganda.

In 1939, Father Yupin was appointed archbishop of Nanking and he stayed there for three years. During the Sino-Japanese war, he was often seen at the frontlines cheering the Chinese troops.


Promised land

Yupin is an anti-Communist Catholic leader. He went to stay in the United States for ten years after the Chinese mainland was shut behind the bamboo curtain. Then he came to Taiwan to fight with the Chinese people for the cause of recovery of their promised land—the China mainland.

As far as is known, the first Catholic missionary to reach China was a Franciscan priest, John of Montecorvino. He arrived in Cambaluc (Peiping) in 1294, early in the Yuan dynasty when Mongols ruled China. John managed to find favor at court, and by 1300 he had built a church. By 1305, he had some 6,000 converts.

Statistics show that the number of Catholics in Taiwan in 1949 was 10,000. It increased to 100,000 in 1959 and is 300,000 at present. Many of them are young people.


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Seeds of faith and freedom
Byline:Chen Pin Publication Date:09/01/2011
Prelates of the Catholic Church hold their first Asian Plenary Assembly in Taipei and plan an expanded evangelical program for this part of the world

Taiwan had the biggest Roman Catholic meeting in its history in April of 1974. More than forty prelates of the Church gathered in Taipei for the First Plenary Assembly of the Federation of Asian Bishops' Conferences. Seven of them wore the red hat of the College of Cardinals: Joseph Parecattil of India, Justin Darmojuwono of Indonesia, Stephen Kim of Korea, Joseph Cordeiro of Pakistan, Julio Rosales of the Philippines, Thomas Corray of Sri Lanka and Paul Yupin of the Republic of China.

Six days were devoted to discussion of "Evangelization in Modem Day Asia" as a preparation for the World Synod of Bishops in Rome next September. The Vatican conference will study "Evangelization in the Modern World."

Archbishop Simon Lourdusamy of the Holy See brought a message from Pope Paul. The Holy Father noted that leaders of the Church in Asia have had the "consolation and the inspiration of going forth to sow the seed of Christ's Message in fertile ground."

The Pontiff said: "The persuasion of spiritual values, the high degree of ascetical discipline, the family-oriented sense of filial devotion and the thirst for spiritual culture shown by your nations through their different religions - all these things are indisputable pointers to the primacy among your peoples of the things of the spirit.

"The propagation of the Christian Message must in no way cancel out or lessen these cultural and spiritual values, which constitute a priceless heritage. The Church must make herself in her fullest expression native to your countries, your cultures, your races.

"The immensity of this evangelization is both a challenge and a consolation. It is our earnest and constant prayer that the increasing pace of evangelization may help preserve our peoples from the danger of materialism. Let it do so, not by ignoring material needs, but. by responding to the hunger for bread, for responsibility, for freedom and for justice."

President Chiang Kai-shek's message to the convocation was read by Vice President C.K. Yen. The chief executive, himself a Christian, said: "Chinese civilization is all-embracing and abhors discrimination. The Chinese nation attaches great importance to spiritual life. Freedom of belief and freedom of religion are' fully guaranteed to the people by the constitution of the Republic of China. For these reasons, all the great religions of the world find in China their adherents who worship as their individual conscience and personal will dictate.

"It is gratifying to note that, introduced into China only a few centuries ago, the Catholic Church has already made significant contribution to the promotion of cultural exchanges between China and the Western World, and has also enriched the spiritual life of the Chinese nation. The great deeds of the missionaries of the Catholic Church who, generation after generation, labored with hardship and humble means in opening up dioceses in the Far East to evangelize the virtues of Faith, Hope and Love, even at the sacrifice of their own lives, deserve the adoration and respect of those who come after them.

Seven princes of the Catholic Church were on hand for Plenary Assembly of bishops from all over Asia. (File photo)

"Unfortunately, in recent years totalitarian tyrannies based on materialism and atheism have run amok and brought untold sufferings to the people in a large part of Asia, forcing the whole of mankind to face unprecedented calamity. These tyrannies, to the extent which their powers reach, not only ruthlessly destroy religious faiths, but also negate all the basic human rights, and go further to threaten the peace of the world. In the face of such a grave situation, we are grateful that the Catholic Church has always maintained its firm position in the safeguarding of truth.

"I am confident that this Assembly, composed of all the leaders of the Catholic Church in Asia, taking note of the current situation in Asia and keeping in view the ideals of the future of mankind, will be able, in its collective wisdom, to formulate meritorious plans and projects for the propagation of the faith and in the service of the people, which will enable the Catholic Church to make even greater contributions in China, in Asia and in the whole world. This is not only the earnest hope of the Chinese people but, as I believe, must be the common desire of all Asian peoples."

Vice President Yen delivered the principal address of the opening session. He told the cardinals and other bishops:

"I am deeply honored and greatly privileged to be invited to participate in this important gathering today and to address this distinguished audience.

"This is an historic occasion. For the first time ever, the Federation of Asian Bishops' Conferences is meeting in Plenary Assembly. Convened here in the Republic of China is the Asian equivalent of the World Synod of Bishops which will be convened in Rome next September. Appropriately, the theme of the Plenary Assembly will be 'Evangelization of Modem Day Asia.' This will serve to introduce and support the Vatican convocation's theme of 'The Evangelization of the Modern World.'

"The Roman Catholic Church has a long and illustrious history in China. Nearly 700 years has passed since the Franciscan John of Montecorvino came to Cambaluc, established a church and was appointed archbishop of what we know now as Peiping. Catholicism fell on difficult times when the Yuan dynasty ended but was revived some 300 years later by such missionaries as Michael Ruggeri and Matthew Ricci. These Jesuits were outstanding scholars as well as zealous priests. They opened the eyes of the Chinese to the scientific discoveries of the West and thereby left an indelible impression on this country. Only two provinces were without mission stations in 1644 at the close of the Ming dynasty. Catholics numbered more than one hundred thousand at that time. The first Dominican priest reached the Chinese mainland by way of Taiwan. That was in 1630. Three years later, the first Jesuit since Mongol times arrived in China. His first convert, Lo Wen-tsao, became the first Chinese bishop.

"The Church had many crosses to bear during the ensuing 350 years but nothing could stop its advance for long. By 1948, Chinese Catholics numbered more than three and a half million. The Communists were able to destroy many good works of the Catholic Church - to close schools and universities, to usurp hospitals and to seize printing presses. But they could not remove belief in God from the hearts of mainland Christians. Nor were they able to break the spirit of the Chinese and foreign clergy they imprisoned and tortured.

"Many of the Catholic clergy and laity who escaped from the Communists on the mainland were able to make their way to Taiwan. Here they found a church which had survived the Japanese period and was entering upon an era of rapid growth. They also found unimpaired freedom of religion as guaranteed by the constitution and safeguarded by the government of the Republic of China.

"Taiwan has its own dramatic history of Catholicism. Five Dominicans reached the island in 1628 and a number of churches were built in ensuing years. But the Spanish were expelled by the Dutch in 1642 and the Church had to wait two hundred years for its second opportunity.

This time the roots grew slowly but showed great strength and durability. Missionaries were not welcomed by the Japanese authorities from 1895 to 1945. Nevertheless, the Church had 8,000 members and a dozen priests when the island was returned to Chinese sovereignty.

"Most of you know of the exciting growth and remarkable achievements of the last three decades. Catholics now number well over three hundred thousand and make up about half of the dedicated and highly influential Christian community in this island province. The Church has six dioceses and one archdiocese in Taiwan. Paul Cardinal Yupin, the archbishop of Nanking, is not only president of the Chinese Bishops' Conference but rector of Fu Jen University. This institution re-created by the Church in the Taipei suburbs has reached a preeminent place in higher education in a mere ten years. Catholic hospitals, schools, publishing houses and radio stations have been opened. More than 700 Roman Catholic Churches are open to the faithful from one end of Taiwan to the other.

"I can assure you that the government is gratified by the success of the Roman Catholic Church. We appreciate its efforts in education, medicine, social welfare and - perhaps above all in the inculcating of ethical and moral precepts which support the Chinese philosophy of Confucianism, the San Min Chu I teachings of our Founding Father, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, and the democratic guidance of our President, Chiang Kai-shek.

"To my mind, the identity of a man's church is less important than his belief in God, his acceptance of self-discipline and his willingness to serve his fellowmen. Freedom depends on order. Democracy cannot exist without discipline. Right philosophy and right government combine to assure a society of good men living under conditions which assure righteousness and justice.

"Catholicism specifically, and Christianity in general, have made exceptional progress in China because these faiths are in keeping with the Chinese ethos. According to St. John, 'God is love.' Confucius said, 'Love men.' First Corinthians bids us to 'Let all things be done decently and in order.' Confucius said, 'Let the prince be prince, the minister be minister, the father father and the son son.' He meant that each should assume his given and special responsibility. He also said, 'Lead the people by laws and regulate them by penalties, and the people will try to keep out of jail but will have no sense of shame. Lead the people by virtue and restrain them by the rules of decorum, and the people will not only have a sense of shame but will become good.'

"In Christian belief, God's rule embraces the whole of the universe and all the creatures in it. The principle of unity and the concept of one world are inescapable. Confucius advocated a Great Commonwealth of men. President Chiang has described development of the Confucian Great Commonwealth concept as the highest ideal of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Drawing on the Book of Li in defining the Social Ideal which will emerge in the Great Commonwealth, President Chiang said, 'People will look after not only their own parents and children, but also will make it possible for the old to die in peace; the able-bodied to be useful; the children to be nurtured; widowers, widows, orphans, childless old people, the physically handicapped and the sick to be properly cared for; and for young men and women to marry happily. It seems to me that this community is Catholic, Christian, Chinese and Confucian at one and the same time.

"I find nothing incompatible in differing civilizations, nations, religions and men so long as they look up to forces greater than themselves and base their conduct on the precepts and rules which were established before the dawn of re corded history. Those who accept the discipline of God and believe in the improvability of man are agreed on what is morally right and morally wrong. The Communists base their system on godlessness and suppress the values which we hold precious. That is why we can never compromise with them.

"The Catholic Church and other religions with a metaphysical base can survive and flourish only in a free society. This is abundantly proved by the dynamic existence of the Church in the Republic of China today in contrast to its non-existence on a Chinese mainland tyrannized by those who proclaim themselves atheists and castigate religion as the poison of the people.

"To say that you and this Plenary Assembly are welcome is an understatement. You will find your deepest welcome in the love and affection of the Chinese adherents of your faith. I wish you well in your deliberations and success in the evangelization of Asia. What is good for the Catholic Church is good for the people of Asia and the cause of a free and better world."

Paul Cardinal Yupin, the president of the Chinese Bishops' Conference, said in his opening remarks:

"We all share the same divine missionary mandate of bringing to our people the Good News of the gospel of Christ, which is a message of hope, of freedom, of justice and universal love.

"Inspired by the Holy Spirit so visibly present in this August assembly, I invite you with the Lord himself to 'lift up your eyes and behold that the fields are already ripe for the harvest.'

"From time immemorial, down to the last centuries, the people of Asia were quite satisfied with their civilization, characterized by highly developed religious and moral ideals of personal and social life.

"But a sudden and all-pervading modernization with its conflicting ideologies, and waves of new materialism, atheism, like devastating winds, shattered this serene possession of cherished spiritual values, bringing insecurity, imperative of swift change in the midst of which our people struggle to give an adequate answer.

"In this general searching for a new meaning to this human endeavor, a new way of salvation, of liberation, of promotion of human dignity, of participation in the control of their national destiny, do we not read the signs of the times?

"Do we not feel in the hearts of our people the longing for those values which only Christ can bring to realization through this Gospel and through a new effusion of his Holy Spirit?

"Emitte Spiritum tuumet renovabis faciem terrae. It is our firm conviction that Christ alone is the full answer to the searching, the longing, the expectation of Asia today."

Edward Cassidy, apostolic pronuncio to the Republic of China, said: "I feel confident that this Taipei meeting will prove to be an important milestone in the continuing process of the Church in coming to a better understanding of its role in the Asian context. The members of these Churches are looking to Taipei this week for guidance, for inspiration and above all perhaps for practical suggestion.

"They know that they have a message to share, which can prove to be 'good news' also for Asia; a message of truth, a message of justice, a message of love, a message of brotherhood and of peace. We are well aware that they are called by Christ to serve the people of Asia, and to contribute to a solution of Asia's most pressing dilemma, namely how to overcome poverty and find prosperity without the sacrifice of spiritual and cultural values or the loss of personal freedom and human rights. "

Madame Chiang Kai-5hek gave a reception for the Catholic prelates. (File photo)

Leaders of the Republic of China showed deep interest in the Taipei conference and its proceedings. Madame Chiang Kai-shek, herself a Christian of deep conviction and a principal instrumentality in the conversion of President Chiang to Christianity, was hostess to the Catholic prelates for a reception at the Chungshan Building on Yangmingshan. She inquired about the progress of the meeting and discussed the evangelization movement.

In her Eastern Testimonial of 1958, Madame Chiang said: "Religious faith, which antedates advanced morality in the annals of human beings, not only believes what has been conceived, it substantiates in the highest sense the unseen. It defies our inductive and deductive powers of understanding and sensory perception. Neither is faith a credulity or whim that can be conveniently shed when it suits our purpose; nor is it a flaccid, memory-image - a bestowal of expectancy upon which the world plays with many a prompting. If my limited faculty of delineation and very personal feeling can at all comprehend it, faith can best be said to be an inner compulsion in reality which will always emerge towards the highest level of movement and existence when fear of the known together with the unknown, as well as physical well-being, become of little con sequence as compared to peace of mind and composure of spirit, while self-confidence and old stand-bys contrariwise become a hollow farce. It is that inward summons which propels one forward into a region we cannot infer nor place in the ordinary mundane sense of confidence.

"This infinite beatitude which we call faith grants human beings its joi de vivre, its courage and its willingness to risk all for the future. It is exactly that power, not altogether undefinable to the finite mind yet possible of being grasped to the fullest, which makes faith ultimately irresistible should we seek it. It is that translation of substantial form which is able to rise above the insatiable desire of man for the thing that can be understood through the haze and phantasmagoria of the material. In penetrating both the conscious and unconscious impulses of the materialistic state of mind, and of the Ego and its manifestation, it is above the common failure of extreme individualism or self-centeredness in dealing with the problems of our lives from the vantage point of what is practically possible or impossible. Moreover, it compels us to view in the light of what is imposed by the inner judgment in separating right from wrong decisively to which only our conscience is set to bear witness. This is the triumph of spirit over flesh. For is it not said: 'Faith is the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen? '

Another reception was given by Monsignor Francesco Colasuonno, the charge d'affaires of the Apostolic Nunciature in Taipei, at the Grand Hotel. Ranking members of the government and members of the Taipei diplomatic colony attended. Premier Chiang Ching-kuo greeted many of the Catholic prelates. Foreign Minister Shen Chang-huan gave a dinner in honor of the delegates to the conference at the Taipei Guest House. He had a talk in his office with the cardinals from Sri Lanka, the Philippines, South Korea, Indonesia, India and the Republic of China, as well as Monsignor Wilhelm Wissing of the Federal Republic of Germany and Archbishop Stanislaus Lokuang of Taipei. Earlier in the day Minister Shen had an hour's discussion with Archbishop Simon Lourdusamy , secretary of the Congregation for the Evangelization of Peoples at the Holy See. The Papal delegate was accompanied by Monsignor Francesco Colasuonno.

The bishops concluded their deliberation with a can for increased dialogue with the great religions of Asia. Recognizing and respecting the "profound spiritual and ethical meanings and values" of Asian faiths, the bishops said that the development of "truly local churches" in each country should be the "primary focus of our task of evangelization." A truly local church was described as one who is "truly incarnate in a people." In the concrete, they said, this means "a church in continuous, humble and loving dialogue with the living traditions, the cultures and the religions" of the people.

Special attention was caned to the necessity of a dialogue with the poor, so many of whom have been "deprived of access to material goods they need for a truly human life." The bishops said many peoples of Asia have been deprived of "access to resources they need to produce these goods for themselves. They live under oppression, that is, under social, economic and political structures which have injustice built into them." The Church, they continued, is committed to the "transformation of social structures of injustice, so that the deprived and oppressed may responsibly free themselves.

"The search for holiness and the search for justice-evangelization and the promotion of true human development and liberation are not only not opposed, but make up for us today the integral preaching of the Gospel, especially in Asia." There is need, the prelates said, for "a genuinely Asian theology and knowledge of Asian philosophies and especially the ideological currents which captivate youth." Such knowledge should be imparted to missionaries, they said.

Christian churches of Asia are working together closely, the bishops found, but expressed hope the ties of collaboration can be drawn even tighter in the future.

Overseas broadcasting of Radio Veritas, a Catholic station in Manila, will be continued as a result of decisions reached at the meeting. Radio Veritas suspended international services to the Chinese mainland and the rest of Asia last year due to technical difficulties.

The Federation of Asian Bishops' Conferences assumed "collegial responsibility" for the overseas broadcasts and the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines for the domestic services of Veritas. The station broadcasts religious, educational and development-oriented programs. "Collegial responsibility" means that the bishops as a body will participate in and assume fun moral responsibility for the international operations. The bishops will be represented by their Commission for Social Communications in relations with the Philippine Radio Educational and Information Center, which owns and operates Veritas. The Commission is made up of Bishops Oswald Gomis of Sri Lanka, chairman, and Daniel Tji of South Korea and Alfonsus Mathias of India.

The Philippines is the most Catholic country of Asia in consequence of its hundreds of years under Spanish rule. Taiwan province of the Republic of China occupies second place. The island has an archdiocese, six dioceses and two prefectures. The 391 parishes have 14 bishops, 800 priests and 1,000 nuns. Owned and operated by the Church are 3 colleges, 26 high schools, 9 vocational schools, 8 primary schools, 19 hospitals, 41 clinics, 2 radio stations and 10 publishing houses. The Republic of China is represented at the Vatican by an ambassador, Chen Chih-mai.

Monsignor Joseph Kuo, who was to be the first archbishop of Taipei, arrived in 1949 with priests, seminarians and sisters who had been forced to flee the Communists. In January of 1950 he was appointed the first prefect of the newly established prefecture of Taipei with jurisdiction over northern Taiwan. The apostolic prefecture of Taichung was established in 1951 under care of Maryknoll fathers.

Archbishop Anthony Riberi, the apostolic internuncio in China, was arrested and expelled by the Communists. He reached Taiwan in 1952 and opened a Vatican Legation in Taipei. It was he who consecrated Monsignor Kuo as first arch bishop of the newly created see of Taipei. Two further ecclesiastical divisions were made in 1952: that of Hualien to the Paris Foreign Mission Society and that of Chiayi to Chinese secular priests. In October of 1959, Monsignor Joseph Caprio arrived to assume office as apostolic internuncio, succeeding Monsignor Riberi, who was reassigned to Ireland.

In December of 1959, Pope John XXIII accepted the resignation of Archbishop Kuo of Taipei and appointed Thomas Cardinal Tien, refugee archbishop of Nanking, as apostolic administrator of the Taipei archdiocese. In May of 1960, Monsignor Paul Cheng Shih-kuang was appointed auxiliary bishop to Cardinal Tien and consecrated with the cardinal in July. In April of 1961, Pope John raised the apostolic prefecture of Kaohsiung to the rank of diocese, naming the Most Rev. Joseph Cheng Tien-siang, O.P., as the first bishop. The Pope created two new dioceses: Tainan and Hsinchu with Monsignor Stanislaus Lokuang and Monsignor Peter Tou Pao-zin as the first bishops. The three new bishops were consecrated by the Holy Father at St. Peter’s in Rome.

Two more apostolic prefectures were raised to the rank of diocese in 1962: Chiayi with Bishop Thomas Niu and Taichung with Bishop William Kupfer, M.M. Hualien prefecture was made a diocese in 1963.

Cardinal Tien resigned as administrator of Taipei archdiocese in 1966 because of poor health. Bishop Lokuang of Tainan was named archbishop of Taipei and Bishop Paul Chen Shih-kuang re placed him in Tainan.

Paul VI promoted the apostolic internu!1ciature to the status of apostolic nunciature in December of 1966 and named Monsignor Joseph Caprio as the first pronuncio. The Conference of Chinese Bishops was created in April of 1966 and Archbishop Joseph Kuo became the first president. Monsignor Caprio left Taiwan in September of 1967 and was succeeded by Monsignor Luigi Accogli. In February of 1969, Bishop Philip Cote, S. J., the refugee bishop of Soochow, was named apostolic administrator of the offshore islands of Kinmen and Matsu.

Archbishop Paul Yupin was named to the College of Cardinals in May of 1969. Upon the death of Bishop Philip Cote in 1970, Monsignor Alfons Van Buggenhout, CICM, was named apostolic administrator of Kinmen and Matsu. In the same year, Monsignor Eduard G. Quint, OFM, became apostolic administrator of Penghu. Monsignor Matthew Kia was consecrated bishop of Chiayi to succeed Bishop Thomas Niu, who resigned because of illness. Monsignor Luigi Accogli left Taiwan in October of 1970 and Monsignor Edward Cassidy was named by Pope Paul as the new pronuncio to the Republic of China.

On December 5, 1971, the Church celebrated the 25th anniversary of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy in China. Pope Paul dispatched Stephen Cardinal Kim of Korea as his special envoy. The Chinese Bishops' Conference published a "Social Declaration." On Chinese New Year's Day of 1972, Paul Cardinal Yupin led a special service of worship to honor God and the ancestors of men at the Taipei cathedral. This was a Church action of special significance and reversed some of the unfavorable impressions remaining from a 200-year-old controversy over Chinese rites.

This amounts to the record of an active, evangelizing but thoroughly localized church. Prelates and priests of the Republic of China are from many different nationalities but Chinese pre dominate. The hold of the Church is strongest at the grass roots. This has led to the important advances in education and hospital care. One of the island's biggest hospitals is under construction in suburban Taipei. Paul Cardinal Yupin has been its principal initiator and fund-raiser.

The Federation of Asian Bishops' Conferences held its First Plenary Assembly in a fairly new but solidly established citadel of the Church. This was a story that Radio Veritas could be expected to tell to the millions on the Chinese mainland who have been denied the right to publicly proclaim their faith anti worship as they please. Fearful that the Church would destroy them, the Chinese Communists suppressed it together with all other organized religions. The contrast between the mainland under Communism and Taiwan under the free government of the Republic of China was summed up in Vice President Yen's assertion that what is good for the Church is good for the Chinese people and all other Asians.


http://archive.catholicherald.co.uk/article/30th-december-1949/8/mgr-yupin-makes-a-prophecy

Originally printed in the 30th December 1949
issue of the Catholic Herald

Keywords: Nicaragua, Managua, Nanking
Topics: Other
Organisations:
People: Paul Yupin
Locations: Managua


MGR. YUPIN MAKES A PROPHECY
Mgr. Paul Yupin, Archbishop of Nanking, has arrived in Managua, Nicaragua, in his tour of South America, made a prophecy about the Reds in China:
" Chinese Communism will crash as rapidly as it rose," said the Archbishop. " I believe that within two years at the most my people will be free of that vicious, dangerous movement."

http://www31.atpages.jp/ujitv/vipblog/nankin/


南京大虐殺というプロパガンダの歴史的事実のない決定的な証拠文書

「The battle of China」とういう映画まで作り、あれほど盛大に中国側が戦う理由だと言っていた南京大虐殺に一切触れていない奇妙な歴史的文章をご覧ください。

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出典：南京の司教が米議会で行った証言

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Executive session

エグゼクティブ　セッション

Tuesday, May 11, 1943

1943年5月11日火曜日

Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, Washington, D, C,

米国外交委員会

The committee met at 10:30 a,m., Hon., Sol. Bloom, chairman, presiding,

午前10時30分開会　ブルーム議員総括

STATEMENT OF BISHOP PAUL YU PIN, VICAR APOSTOLIC OF HANKING

パウロ于斌司教（ローマ司教）の陳述

Chairman Bloom. The committee has honor of having before it Bishop Paul Yu Pin. Vicar apostolic of Nanking, The stenographer will take your statement and the questions and answers down and we are taking this just for the committee and we will leave anything out which you prefer not to have in the record.

ブルーム議長「南京の于斌ローマ司教をこの委員会に迎えて誇らしいよ、速記者はあなた（方）の陳述や質問や答えを記載するし、私たちはあなたの陳述をこの委員会のものとしよう、そして私たちはあなたの好まないものは何でも記録から外そう」

Bishop Yu Pin, Mr. Chairman and members of the committees, I am grateful for the privilege accorded me by the Committee on Foreign Affairs of addressing its distinguished members,

于斌司教「議長様そして委員会のメンバー様、私は この外交委員の優秀なメンバーにより特別もてなされて恐悦至極でございます」

I am here to voice not my personal views, but to interpret Chinese public opinion concerning my country's relations with the Republic of the United States, As a Catholic Bishop in wartime China, it has been my duty to visit our soldiers on numerous fronts and battlefields and to converse with many thousands of our people in every walk of life. As head, moreover, of the Board of Trustees of the Chinese Catholic Daily, the Yi Shih Pao, it was necessary for me to keep in close touch with public opinion throughout Free China, I trust, therefore, that I do not seen too presumptuous in undertaking to be spokesman of that opinion,

于斌司教「私はここに私の私的な見解を言うために来たのではありません、しかし、戦時下のカソリックの司教として、中国と米国の関係についての中国の世論を説明するためにここにいます。何千の人と話す事、そして沢山の私たちの兵士や戦場を訪れる事は私の義務でした。 さらに、主として、中国文日刊紙の益世報は中国中の公的な意見を連絡しあうのに不可欠でした。 それゆえに私は（中国民の）意見のスポークスマンであると約束しても不遜には見えないでしょう」

Americans are perhaps unaware of the high place they hold in the affection of the Chinese people. It is almost a century ago that the first treaty between the United States and China, the Wangsha Treaty of 1844, was signed. During that time, so the Chinese believe, American policy toward China has, with few exceptions, tended to be friendly and fair, They feel that, particularly since 1937, when the Japanese began their unprovoked war upon China, the people of the United States have manifested unmistakable sympathy for the Chinese in their determined struggle for resistance to unjust aggression. Of their increasingly sympathetic attitude we have had many evidences.

于斌司教「アメリカ人はおそらく中国人の抱いている感情の強い部分に気がついていません。 約1世紀前、米国と中国の最初の条約である望厦条約が1844年に結ばれました」 于斌司教「その間、中国人は信じていました、アメリカの中国に対する政策は一部を除いて友好的で平等であると。彼ら（中国人）は日本がいわれのない戦争を中国に仕掛けた1937年からは特に感じていました。米国の人々は不当な攻撃のために断固戦う中国人に対し、紛れも無い同情を持っていると。 私達には米国人が同情的な態度であるたくさんの証拠がありました」

On April 15, 1941, the American Government announced that the Land-Lease Act would be henceforth applicable to China. On December 8, 1941, the same Government declared war on Japan, only a few months after the American Volunteer Group, more commonly known as the Flying Tigers, went to China, under the able leadership of Claire Lee Chennault. After Pearl Harbor American forces fought in China and Burma under General Stilwell's capable direction.

于斌司教「1941年4月15日に米国政府は武器貸与法が今後中国も適応できると発表しました。 11941年12月8日米国政府は日本に戦争を宣言して、その数カ月後フライングタイガースで知られるアメリカ合衆国義勇軍が、クレア・リー・シェンノートのリーダーシップの下に中国に行きました。真珠湾攻撃の後、アメリカ軍はステルス総統の有能な指揮の下、（日本軍と）中国やビルマで戦いました」

For this aid and these expressions of sympathy given while China was fighting single-handed against the formidable might of Japan's fully mechanized army, the Chinese are duly grateful, especially for the generous American relief funds subscribed by religious organizations and by the general public. After Japan's treacherous attack on Pearl Harbor, the Chinese welcomed Americans as their comrades in arms to fight shoulder to shoulder against the common foe, Risking Japanese reprisals, they built special air bases in their air bases in their coastal provinces to enable U.S. airmen to avenge the bombing of Manila and the fall of Corregidor.

于斌司教「（米国軍が）このような援助と恐るべきフル装備された日本の軍隊に対して独力で戦っている中国に対してこのように同情を表してくれたために、特に、宗教団体と一般市民による惜しみない米国の救済基金に対して、中国人は十分に感謝しています。 日本のパールハーバーへの不誠実な攻撃の後、中国人はアメリカ軍を共通の敵と方を並べて戦う仲間として歓迎しました。 日本の報復措置は覚悟していたので、（米軍は）米軍がマニラの爆撃とコレヒドール島陥落の報復できるように湾岸の行政区の空軍基地の中に特別空軍基地を建設しました。

The Japanese reprisals materialized but not, unfortunately, the American planes. It was Japan that avenged the bombing of Tokyo, and that in the blood of hundreds of thousands of our Chinese people.

于斌司教「不幸なことに米軍飛行隊を除いて、日本の報復措置は実現してしまいました。 日本は（ドーリットル？）東京空襲に対し報復しました、そして中国人が何十万と犠牲になりました」

We have not, however, lost our confidence in American friendship. We know well, moreover, that upon Japan's defeat hinges not merely the liberation of our own country but also the safety of the United States.

于斌司教「しかしながら、私たちは米国の友情に対する信頼を失いませんでした。更に、私たちは日本の敗北が単に私たちの国の開放だけでなく、米国の安全にも丁番をつけることだということを良く知っています」

Our nation continues to regard the American people as its traditional friend and our only wish is for closer cooperation with the United States for the decisive overthrow of our common foe—for winning the Pacific war in shortest possible time. To this end the Chinese people ask you to give them planes and munitions. In return 10,000,000 Chinese fighting men pledge you to rid forever your country and theirs of the Japanese menace. Give them only the equipment, only the bare necessities of modern warfare, and they guarantee to do the rest.

于斌司教「私たちの国は米国人を伝統的な友人だと考えています。そして私たちの唯一の望みは、 太平洋戦争にできるだけ短い時間に勝利するために、 私たちの共通な敵に決定打を与えるために米国と親密な協力関係でいることです。 そのために中国人は飛行機と軍用品を与えてくださるようお願いします。 お返しとして、一千万人の中国戦士は、あなたに日本の脅威をあなたの国から取り除くことに 永遠に忠誠を誓います。 （戦士たちに）装置（飛行機と軍備品）だけ、お与えてください、 現代的な戦争の必需品だけです。 そうすれば、彼ら（戦士たち）は残りのことを成すことを保証いたします」

A friend in need is a friend indeed. It is not that we Chinese are ungrateful for friendly gestures like the recent renunciation of American extraterritoriality in China. On the contrary, such abolition of imequal treaties has long been a cherished aspiration of the Chinese people and they are grateful to America for leading the way. Just now, however, the important thing for both nations is to win the war.

于斌司教「困っている時の友人は本物の友人です。私達中国人は中国内の米国治外法権を廃棄する真似をするような恩知らずではありません。それどころか、このような不平等条約を長い間中国人は大切にして参りました。そして（中国人は）アメリカの先導する方法に感謝しています。只今両国にとって大切なことは戦争に勝つことなのです」

For this reason, our people follow with keenest interest the details of the fighting between Americans and Japanese in the South Pacific, regarding that conflict not simply as America's or Australia's war but as part and parcel of their own struggle against Japanese savagery.

于斌司教「その戦いを単に米国やオーストラリアの戦争としてではなく、日本の凶暴性に対する戦いと見ているので、南太平洋での米国と日本の戦いの詳細に私たちは高い感心を持って追っています」

May I add, however even, at the risk of seeming ungraciously critical, that the Chinese are disappointed at the fact that, even after 15 months of fighting in the Pacific, the American forces are still on the defensive.

于斌司教「無作法な批判に見える危険性もありますが、付け加えてよろしいでしょうか？ 中国人は実際に失望しています。太平洋で１５ヶ月も戦った後、アメリカ軍はまだ守備のままです」

Not that we wish to reflect in any way, on the resourceful courage that General MacArthur and his-small number of men have shown in skillfully blocking Japan's attempts to land troops in Australia.

于斌司教「私達がいかなることにも思案することを希望しているわけではありません。 機智に富み勇敢な、かのマッカーサー元帥と彼の少数部隊は日本の巧妙な企てを遮るためにオーストラリアに現れました」

At the same time, we of China, who know the danger of leaving the initiative to the Japanese, cannot help but wish that the United States may soon abandon its ''holding'' tactics and take the offensive against Japan.

于斌司教「同じ時期、日本人にイニシアチブを握れられると危険だと知っていた私達中国人は、米国が現状維持の戦術を捨て、日本に攻撃を仕掛けることを願ってやみませんでした」

Indeed, it requires no expert knowledge of military matters to see that the slow and arduous island-by-island method of ousting the Japanese from their rich and extensive conquests holds no prospect of success. The short road to victory is to strike through China at the heart of Japan's industrial empire.

于斌司教「本当に、困難な島々作戦―日本人を彼らの豊かで（彼らが）征服した広大な土地から追い出す方法を知るために軍問題の知識の専門家を求めてはいません。 勝利への近道は中国を通じて日本の心臓部、産業王国を打ち砕くことなのです」

It may be objected that today China's armies, too, remain on the defensive. That is true, but it is due to lack of munitions and equipment, not to any lack of will on the part of the Chinese troops. With no thought of boasting, let me assure you that the Chinese Army, under the command of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, is a powerful, seasoned military force, thoroughly experienced in fighting the Japanese.

于斌司教「今日も中国軍が守備の体制であることに不満をもたれるかもしれません。 しかしそれは軍需品と装置の欠如からなのです。中国軍の意志に欠如があるわけではないのです。 大口を叩いているわけではなく、中国軍が蒋介石総帥の指揮の下、日本軍と戦うのに十分な経験のある力強く手馴れた軍であることを保証させてください」

If only they had heavy equipment, ordnance, tanks, and especially planes, there is not the slightest doubt that they could drive Japan's savage hordes into the sea. Even as it is, with the pitifully inadequate armament at their disposal, they have won many fiercely contested battles, waged over extensive fronts. Time does not permit me to enumerate them all.

于斌司教「もしただ重装備（兵器、タンク、特に飛行機）だけでも彼ら（中国軍）にあれば、日本の残忍な群れを海に落とせたということに僅かな疑いもありません。 悲しいほど不十分な軍備しかないときですら、彼ら（中国軍）は広い土地で行われた激しい戦いに勝利しました。全てを列挙するには時間が許しません」

I mention only the Third Battle of Changsha, won by the Chinese shortly after Pearl Harbor, when the fortunes of the United Nations were at their lowest ebb. In that battle, the Chinese inflicted over 30,000 casualties on the Japanese. But great as they were, there casualties are not measure of the importance of that victory to the United Nations. For Japan had hoped, through the capture of Changsha, to complete her contemplated railway from Tokyo to Singapore.

于斌司教「私はただ国際連合の運命がどん底であったときの長沙市の三回目の戦い、パールハーバー後に中国軍により勝利した戦い、について述べます。その戦いで中国軍は３万人以上の日本人を死傷させました。しかし、死傷者は国際連合にとって重要な勝利のものさしではありません。 日本が望んだのは、占領した長沙市を通って東京からシンガポールへの熟考された経路を完成させることです」

Her plan was to establish an overland line of rail communications via Peiping, Hankow, and Changsha, through Kwangsi Province, Indo-China, and Thailand- all the way to safeguard her transport from the attacks of British and American naval forces, instead of running the gantlet of the sea lanes. Thanks, however, to this major Chinese victory, this plan to avoid exposure of her coastal shipping to submarine and plane attacks was completely frustrated, and she has had to pay heavy toll for her failure.

于斌司教「日本の作戦は、英米海軍の攻撃から日本の輸送を守る全ての方法として、海路のガントレットを走らせる代わりに、江西省とインドシナとタイランドを通って北京と漢口と長沙市を通じて、レールコミュニケーションの陸路を設立することでした。 しかしながら、この大きな中国軍の勝利のおかげで、（日本軍の）この潜水艦への湾岸輸送の露出と航空攻撃を避けるための作戦は完全に失敗しました。そして日本軍はこの失敗のために莫大な代価を払わなければならなかったのです」

China, I repeat, with her vast manpower, ready and eager to take the field against the Nipponese, represents America's shortest and easiest road to victory over Japan. But the United States must lose no time in taking that road. The Japanese are busy as bees fortifying their conquests. Every hour of delay is giving them more time to entrench themselves, to consolidate their territorial gains, and to exploit the almost limitless natural resources they have captured.

于斌司教「繰り返しますが、中国は莫大な人力があり、日本軍に対して準備し出陣したがっていいます。日本への勝利のための最短の道を示しています。しかし米国は直ちにその道を通らねばなりません。日本人は彼らの征服した土地の防御を固めるのにミツバチの如く忙しいのです。 出遅れた時間ごとに、彼らに身を隠す時間・彼らの領土の増加分を強化するための時間・ほとんど無限の天然資源を開発する時間を与えてしまうことになります」

It is vital, therefore, to the United Nations (particularly America) that the Chinese Army should receive such heavy equipment as will enable it once more to take the offensive against the Japanese. This means the early opening of a campaign to recapture the Burma Road. Meanwhile, recourse must be had to air transport of munitions and gasoline.

于斌司教「それ故に国際連合、特に米国にとって中国軍がもう一度日本軍に対して攻撃を仕掛けることを可能にするために、そのような重装備を（中国軍が）受け取ることは極めて重大なことなのです。 このことは早期にビルマロードを奪還する開始を意味します。その間、資源はガソリンと軍需品の航空運輸のために保たれていなければならないのです」

The present trickle of war supplies reaching China by air must be stepped up. This problem of transporting supplies by plane over high mountains is not nearly so difficult as is frequently represented. In fact, the hazards of air attack and accidents besetting it are far less than the submarine hazards faced in the large-scale transport of war materials to Russia; they are by no means insurmountable.

于斌司教「空輸により中国に軍需供給を届けることは促進されなくてはなりません。 飛行機が高い山を超えて配給を運ぶ問題は、頻繁に言われているようにそれほど難しくはありません。 実は、空爆とそれに付随する事故の危険性は、ロシアへ軍需品を大規模に輸送するときに潜水艦が直面する危険性より遥かに少ないのです。それらは克服しがたいものではありません」

It would be indelicate and even presumptuous for me to suggest to this distinguished body the desirability of making changes in laws which may be regarded by some people as matters of domestic policy. But the candor which should exist between the peoples of the two democracies whose destinies are linked together in the present war impels the Chinese public unanimously to recommend an amelioration of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1924 ※. Something of this sort is desirable in order to combat Japanese propaganda in the Far East, where Japan has raised the racial issue and poses as the champion of the yellow races against the white.

于斌司教「私がこのように、人々によって国政だとみなされている法律の優れた本文に、好ましい変化をもたらそうと提案することは僭越で不躾になるのかもしれませんが、 ２つの民主主義国家の人々の間で存在すべき公平さは、この戦争に於いて中国民の満場一致で1924年の中国人排斥法の改善を薦めることを駆り立てることにリンクされています」

That all men alike are persons ''endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights,'' is a fundamental principle of Christian democracy, which the American Declaration of Independence expressly proclaims. A law that discriminates on the basis of race alone does not harmonize with this principle. While we fully appreciate the economic reasons that motivated such legislation in the past, we feel that the problem can now be solved in a way that will not offend the legitimate sensibilities of the Chinese people.

于斌司教「（中国民も）また同じように''創造主によって、譲ることのできない諸権利を与えられています''、それは、キリスト教の民主主義の基本的な原理であり、それをアメリカの独立宣言は、はっきりと謳っています。人種だけに基づいて区別をしているこの法律は（民主）主義と調和していません。 過去のそのような法律に動機を与えた経済的理由を、私達が完全に評価している間に、 今、中国人の合理的な感性を損なわないやり方でその問題は解決できるであろうと私たちは感じています」

In the interest, therefore, of better understanding and mutual trust, it is highly desirable that the Chinese should be given a status of perfect equality with the nationals of all other friendly powers. Such quality in law – equality without favor or privilege – is, it seems to me, in keeping with that strict impartiality which the Chinese have come to regard as characteristic of the American people.

于斌司教「それ故に、中国人が他の全ての友好国の国民と完全に平等なステータスを与えられることはより良い理解と相互信頼のために非常に望ましいことです。 このような法律の質、偏向的でかつ特権的ではない平等は、中国人がアメリカの人々の特性だと思うようになった厳しい不偏さは調和しているように私には見えます」

The Chinese, their part, pledge their wholehearted cooperation and good will. Wartime China, for all her trials and tribulations, is inexorably determined to see this war through to a victorious conclusion. Her soldiers are literally champing at the bit to carry the battle right into Tokyo and they desire nothing more ardently than to join their forces with those of the United Nations for the purpose of bringing the Japanese war lords to their knees.

于斌司教「中国人は心からの協力と好意を誓います。戦時下の中国は勝利の結末のために、この戦いをやり抜くと固く決心しています。中国の戦士たちは東京で戦うための権利を持ちたくて文字通りうずうずしています。そして彼らは日本の戦争の主君を彼らに跪かせるために国際連合と力を合わせることに参加すること以外は何も望んでいません」

One of their chief war as well as peace aims is the restoration of China's lost territories. And first among the latter, they demand the return of the four eastern provinces, known to the West under the collective name of Manchuria.

于斌司教「彼らの主たる戦争と平和の目的は失われた中国の領土を奪還することです。最初に、彼らは4つの東部地方、そして満州という総合名で知られる東側の返還を要求します」

In the case of Korea, on the other hand, they purpose to adhere strictly to the principal of the self-determination of nations, the right of a people to govern themselves in accordance with their political capacity. Hence, the Chinese will disinterestedly help the Korean people to regain their independence, thus providing to the world that they themselves have no territorial ambitions, that they do not propose to walk the outworn paths of aggression, enriching themselves at the expense of neighbor nations.

于斌司教「一方、朝鮮の場合は、彼らは独立した民主主義国家、政治的な能力に従い自身が統治する権利を有すことに断固とした決意をしています。それ故に彼らの独立に関して、中国人は無私で彼らの主権が回復することを手伝います。このように世界に彼らが、領土への野心がない・侵略という時代遅れの道を歩む意図は無い、と世界に届けることは、隣国の費用で彼らが豊かになることに繋がります」

Need I remind you that from time immemorial the Chinese have been a peace-loving people, pursuing the ideal of human brotherhood in their relations with other nations? It is their supreme hope that the post-war would will be one in which all peoples may live together in friendship, sharing the blessings of peace and prosperity.

于斌司教「中国人が昔から他の国々と人類愛の理想を追求していた愛と平和の人々であったことを思い出していただく必要があるでしょうか？ （中国人の）この上ない望みは、戦後、人々が互いに友好関係を築き、平和の恩恵と繁栄をシェアすることなのです」

This idea of the common brotherhood of mankind is a traditional one in China, ''The world belongs to everybody,'' is an old Chinese maxim, while another of our adages declares: ''All within the Four Seas are brothers.'' Such being the age-old attitude of the Chinese toward other nations, one thing is certain—the actual Japanese ''Yellow Peril'' need never be feared from China.

于斌司教「中国では人類の共通した友愛の概念は伝統的なものであり、 ''世界は全ての人に帰属している''という概念は、中国古人の格言であり ''人類みな兄弟 ''(四海兄弟―論語)　中国の格言（論語）ではまたこのように宣言されています。 それが中国人の他国への長年の態度であり、 一つ確かなのは、事実上日本人への黄禍論（ように）中国人を恐れる必要はありません」

For toward the rest of the world China's attitude will always reflect her past history and she will be a great stabilizing factor for peace in the Pacific. The geography of that ocean has made her America's neighbor and the possession of common democratic ideals—to be strengthened in China's remodeled constitution at the close of the present conflict—assures the fact that both nations will be good neighbors. May they cooperate ever in lasting friendship for mutual benefit—for the peace and betterment of the entire human race.

于斌司教「世界の安息に対して中国の姿勢はいつも中国の古い歴史を反映しています。 中国は太平洋の平和のための大きな安定要因となるでしょう。 太平洋の地理は中国に、アメリカの隣人であることと共通の民主主義の概念を所有することを与えてくれました。（この概念は）闘争終了時に中国の改正された法により強化されます。（中国と米国が）双方で良き隣人になれるであろうということを保証いたします。 共通の利益である、平和と人類全ての前進のために末永く協力いたします」

Chairman Bloom, Your Excellency, I believe that the committee would like to have front you just a little picture of yourself and how long you have been here and what has happened while you were in China, and so forth, and then I believe they would like to ask some questions.

ブルーム議長「司教様、私は委員会があなた自身の状況について少し知りたいのではないかと思う。 どのぐらいここにいらっしゃるのか、そしてあなたが中国にいる間、何が起きたのか、私は委員会が質問をしたいのではないかと思う」

Bishop Yu Pin, Honorable Congressmen, I became a bishop in 1936, charged with the care of souls at Nanking, the capital of China which fell into the hands of the Japanese in 1937. At present, I reside in Chungking, the wartime capital of China, where I am the president of the organization working there for the relief of war refugees. At the same time I act as chief chaplain for the Army, which as yet has no commissioned chaplains, though certain of the clergy take care of the Christian soldier on the different fronts, I cooperate with the rest for this purpose.

于斌司教「名誉議員様、私は1936年に司教になりました。1937年に日本人の手に落ちた中国の首都南京で魂の救済を致しました。現在、私は戦時下での中国の首都、重慶市に駐在しており、私は戦争難民を救援するための組織の総裁です。同時に、私はまだ権限を与えられた従軍神父がいない軍のため、チーフ従軍牧師として勤めております。違った側面で働く聖職者がキリスト教の戦士の世話をしておりますが、私はこの目的のために協力をしております」

I left from China by plane 3 weeks ago, arriving via India, Africa, South America, and so forth at New York. I have been a guest at several American military camps where I had the pleasure of meeting many of your soldiers and officers, They were very kind to me and to all the Chinese who came with me. And now, let me state my purpose in coming to America: It is to visit your wartime social organizations. In China, we have been engaged for the past 6 years in organizing different community services.

于斌司教「私は3週間前に飛行機で中国を立ち、インド、アフリカ、南アメリカを経てニューヨークに到着しました。私はいくつかの米軍キャンプでゲストになり、多くの（米軍）戦士と将校に会える機会を持てて嬉しかったです。彼ら（米軍戦士と将校）は私にも一緒に来た中国人にも親切でした。 米国に来た私の目的を述べさせてください。それは（米国の）戦時下の社会的組織を訪れるためです。 中国では異なるコミュニティサービスを組織する際に、6年間の契約がありました。

I thought it a good idea to come and see for myself what organizations you have and how they are functioning, with a view to deriving further inspiration for our own community service work. That is my main purpose in conking to this country, In a word, I come as a private individual active in relief work and community service, I am just at the beginning of my visit and have not yet had time to complete the tour I had in mind, but I hope to finish it soon and then I intend to go back to China, to rejoin my people and to be of whatever service I can to them and to our Army.

于斌司教「私は私にとって米国がどんな組織を持ち、どのように機能しているか見ることは良い考えだと思いました。私たち自身のコミュニティサービス活動のための更なる思いつきを得るためにも。それがこの国に来た私の主な目標です。一言で言えば、私はコミュニティサービスと救済事業のため一民間人として来ています。私の訪問は始まったばかりであり、私の思っている旅行の完了には時間が足りません。しかし私はそれをすぐに終え、そして中国に戻って中国民と再会して、私のできるかぎりの奉仕を中国民そして中国軍にすることを望んでいます」

I am certainly pleased and highly honored by this opportunity to be present here, to meet this group of distinguished Congressmen, and to exchange ideas with you. If you wish to know something about China, I shall be glad to tell what I can, though I speak only as a private individual and one not very conversant with the politics of China, I am, however, a friend of many of our statesmen, and so if I can give a satisfactory, or rather, let me say, an exact answer to your questions, I shall be happy to do so.

于斌司教「私は本当にここにいる機会を与えられたことが光栄で喜ばしいです。この優秀な議員様方とお会いできたこと、そして意見を交換できたことも。もしあなたが中国について何か知りたいと思うのでしたら、私は喜んで私の出来る全てをお話しましょう。 中国の政治に精通していない一民間人としてですが。しかしながら私は、沢山の政治家の友であります。もし私が、あなたに満足を与えられるものならば、あなたの質問に答えさせてください。 私にそれができるのなら幸甚でございます」

Chairman BLOOM. Your Excellency, I know that you are rather bashful and timid about saying something about yourself, but were you not a professor of philosophy in the Vatican.

ブルーム議長「司教様、私はあなたが自分自身のことを語るときに、むしろ内気で恥ずかしがり屋なことを知っていますが、あなたはバチカンの哲学の教授ではなかったでしょうか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. Yes. I was a professor of the Chinese language at a pontifical university in Vatican City.

于斌司教「そうです、私はバチカンのポンチフィカル大学で中国語の教授をしておりました」

Chairman BLOOM. For how many years?

ブルーム議長「何年間ですか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. For 4 years.

于斌司教「4年間でございます」

Chairman BLOOM, Mr. Johnson.

ブルーム議長「ジョンソンさん」

Mr. Johnson. I want to express my appreciation, Mr. Chairman, to His Excellency for coming and giving us this fine statement which he has made. I assure him we are interested in China and the great people of China and he struggle through which they have been going for such a long time and which they are enduring so heroically, have no questions,

ジョンソン氏「私は司教様がここに来てくださって、私達に素晴らしい陳述をしてくださったことに感謝の意を表したいです、議長。私は私達が中国と中国民に関心を持っていることを確信しています。中国がこのような長い間我慢強く勇ましく努力していることにもです。質問はありません。

Chairman BLOOM, Dr, Eaton.

ブルーム議長「イートン博士」

Dr. EATON. I want to thank the distinguished gentleman for his very fine presentation. I am wondering where he obtained that remarkable mastery of English.

イートン博士「私は素晴らしいプレゼンテーションをしてくださった優れた紳士にお礼がしたいです。 彼が一体どこで素晴らしい英語を習得したのかと驚嘆しております」

Bishop Yu Pin. I studied in high school but I have forgotten nearly everything I leaned so I speak pidgin English.

于斌司教「私は高校で（英語を）勉強しましたが、全て忘れてしまったので、中国訛りの英語を話します」

Dr. EATON, I want to say to the gentleman on my own behalf and on behalf of many millions of our people we are tremendously troubled and many of us are deeply depressed over the slowness and smallness of our military aid to China, and as far as I am personally ground for the final conquest of Japan is China. That is where we ought to be with our forces joining your magnificent resources of manpower and from China we ought to beat Japan into the dust. How long do you think China can hold up?

イートン博士「私は自分自身と何万人もの人々を代表して、私たちの多くは米軍への援助が遅れていて少ないことに落胆していると言いたいです。私の主観に関する限り、日本の最終決戦は中国内です。 私たちは米軍を中国の壮大な人力に加えるべきです。私たちは日本を塵のように打ち砕くため、中国から（入る）べきです。どのくらいの間、中国は持ちこたえられますか？

Bishop Yu Pin. Honorable Congressman, I think we can hold on as long as it is necessary because we have held out already for 6 years, therefore, it will be possible to do so for yet another 6 years, although it will be very difficult . But it ought not to be simply a question of how long we can hold out. I think it is a question, rather, of how to be more effective, more cooperative, more active, in winning this Pacific war—of being more useful to our allies, especially the United States. That is our desire, It is not a mere question of holding out.

于斌司教「名誉議員様、私は必要な限り持ちこたえられると思います。私たちはすでに6年持ちこたえております。それ故に、困難ですが、さらに6年は持ちこたえられると思います。 しかしどのぐらい持ちこたえられるかは簡単な質問で有るべきではないと思います。私はこの問題はむしろ、太平洋戦争に勝つためにより効率的に、より協力的により活動的より有効ことは、私たちの軍にとってどうあるべきか、特に米軍にとってはどうなのかを考えるべきであると思います。それは私たちの願いでもあります。それは単に持ちこたえられるかのような問題ではないと思います」

If that were all judging from what I have seen and heard in visiting the various provinces of China during the past 4 years—and I made a rather extensive tour of my country—my conviction is that the Chinese people can hold out as long as it is necessary—even for 100 years. The Japanese people have told the world that they are prepared to fight this war for 100 years. Well, then we, too, will hold out for 100 years if the war lasts till then, But that is not the problem. The problem today is to make the Chinese Army more efficient, and how is it to become more efficient without modern heavy equipment?

于斌司教「私は自国で壮大なツアーをしました、そして過去四年間に私が訪れた様々な地方で見聞きしたことより判断するとすれば、中国民は必要なだけ持ちこたえることができると確信しています。 例え、100年でも。日本人は100年間戦争をする用意があると世界に向けて発言しました。そうですね。私達戦争も終わるその時まで100年持ちこたえるでしょう。しかし、それが問題ではありません。 今日の問題は中国軍がより効率的になるにはどうするか、現代的な重装備なしでどのようにより効率的にするかなのです」

Fortunately, this year the ammunition factories in China are making a lot of ammunition for our Army, with the result that the Chinese Army is better equipped today than ever before. But if we want to make general contact with the Japanese Army, our munitions are not enough. Mostly we have only high equipment. Even heave guns are not enough; planes, too, are a vital necessity. So we think it most important now for you to send us more aid, so that we may better serve the cause of the United Nations. That is the general idea of our people.

于斌司教「幸運なことに、今年中国の弾薬工場は沢山の弾薬を製作しています。その結果として中国軍は今日以前よりもずっと装備されています。 しかし、もし私達が日本軍と接触しようとするならば、私たちの軍需品は十分ではありません。私たちのほとんどは高い機材だけ所持しています。必要度の高い銃砲すら十分ではありません。そこで私たちにとって最も重要なのはあなたが支援を送ってくださること、そうすれば国際連合の目的は叶うのだと思います。これが私たちのおおよその考えです」

Dr. Eaton. Just one more question. When the war is won, do you think China will have a united government recognized by all the people in China?

イートン博士「もう一つ質問を。戦争に勝利したら中国人は総中国人による連合政府を認めると思いますか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. China already had a united government before the war, and its unity has been consolidated by the present war. I think that the problem of unity is already settled in China. Nobody there even dreams of disunity in past-war times. If anyone fears for the future of national unity in China, he must indeed be skeptical. Certainly, the people who work and fight for the freedom of China never, for a moment, anticipate disunity in post-war China. Now that every　Chinese has accepted the ideal of solidarity in a common Nation, it is unthinkable that this unity should not last forever. Soon it will be the sixth year that China has been fighting for her national independence. The common idea is that of democracy—to realize and achieve democracy. That is the great goal of all our people. Therefore, I think that unity will remain without a doubt.

于斌司教「中国はすでに戦争前から連合政府を持っています。そしてその統一は今の戦争によって強化されました。私は中国では統一の問題はすでに安定していると考えています。最早誰も過去の戦争時代の分離を夢にも思わないでしょう。もし誰かが中国での国家統一を心配するなら、その人は本当に懐疑的です。確かに一時でも中国の自由のために働いたり戦ったりしたことのない人は、戦後の中国の分離を予想します。あらゆる中国人が団結の理想を国家として受け入れた今、この統一が永遠に続くべきでないとは考えられないです。国家独立のために中国人は戦っていて、6年になります。 一般的な考えは民主主義を認識することであり、成し遂げることです。それが私達全国民の大きなゴールであり、それゆえに、私は疑いなく（国家）統一は存続すると思っております」

Chairman Bloom. Mr. Burgin.

ブルーム議長「バーギンさん」

Mr. BURGIN, Your Excellency, how is the food situation in your country?

バーギン氏「司教様、あなたの国の食料状況はいかがでしょうか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. In general, the food situation is not positively bad, but, in Honan Province, there was a drought last year. In consequence, there were only scanty harvest in that region. Owing to inadequate means of transportation, it has been hard to shop grain there from other Provinces. Hence, in that vast farming area, supporting at least 8,000,000 people, there is an acute shortage of food. The problem is to obtain supplies from the more fortunate Provinces and transport them into Honan.

于斌司教「一般的に食糧事情は明白に悪くはありません。しかし、河南省で去年干ばつがありました。 結果としてその地域の収穫は乏しかったです。輸送が不十分でしたので、河南省では穀物を他の地域から購入することが難しかったのです。それ故にその広大な農業地域で、少なくとも8千万の人々を支えるために深刻な食糧不足があります。問題は、より豊かな地域から供給するために、河南省へ輸送することです」

What makes it doubly hard at this time is the fact that this Province is almost wholly encircled by the Japanese. On only one side is it open to Chinese communication. Consequently, famine conditions prevail in that Province, Elsewhere, however, food though very costly, is still available, due to the fact that some of the Provinces had good crops last year. We hope this year's harvest, too, will be good. If it is not, a very serious situation will be precipitated by the time of the next harvest. Just now, it seems promising.

于斌司教「この時その問題を二重に難しくしているのは、この地方がほとんど日本人に取り囲まれているという事実です。ただ一箇所だけ中国の交通を受け入れています。したがって飢餓状態は（河南省で）はびこっています。しかしながら、その省の一部が昨年豊作だったために、食物は高いですが利用可能です。私たちは今年の収穫も良いことを願っています。もしそうでなければ、次の収穫によって深刻な事態に陥ることになります。ちょうど今、その見込みがあります」

But we cannot be sure, sometimes, until late in June; if there is no rain for 3 months, the harvest will be gone. For the time being, however, the situation is not bad. Food costs very much but that is not a problem for the farming people, because they produce their won food. So if the price is very high it is all the better for them, though this, of course, makes things hard for the city people. Our soldiers still get a subsistence ration of rice, but the people who are not farmers experience hard times even now. Since 75 percent of China's population are farming people, it is safe to say that the same percentage are not affected by the food shortage.

于斌司教「しかし私たちは6月下旬まで確信することができません。雨が3ヶ月降らないならば、収穫はなくなります。しかしながら暫くは、状況は悪くありません。食料の値段は高いですが、これは農家の人々にとって問題ではありません。彼らは自作しているからです。（食料の）値段が高いことは彼らにとって良いことです。もちろん、街の人々にとっては辛いことになりますが。私たちの戦士はコメの最低限量をすでに得ています。しかし農業の経験がない人々は辛い時を過ごしています。中国民の７５％は農家であるので、同じ割合の人が食糧不足の影響を受けることはないと言えるでしょう」

Mr. BURGIN. Do you have any regulation as to the prices of hood?

バーギン氏「あなたは食料の価格を規制しますか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. Such regulation exists, but inasmuch as China's area is vast and her present means of communication poor, it is difficult to enforce regulations and to train people in their observance, as is done in certain Western countries today. We have, of course regulations to control the process and even a rationing system in some things, but no universal rationing. The problem is a hard one to solve.

于斌司教「そのような規制は存在します。しかし中国はとても広く交通の手段が乏しいので、 西洋諸国で今日なされているように、規制を実施して人々に遵法させることは難しいです。 私達ももちろん、そのプロセスを管理する規則や配給システムはありました。しかし、一般的な配給システムはありませんでした。問題は解決することが難しいです」

Mr. BURGIN. We find it hard here, even. How is the economic situation, that is, in regard to what we term here ''inflation''?

バーギン氏「私達ですら難しいと思います。経済状況はどうですか？私達がインフレと呼ぶものに関しては？」

Bishop Yu Pin. The inflation problem today is quite serious certainly, because we have been fighting now for 6 years. During these 6 years our resources have naturally dwindled and are not so abundant as before. As a result, everything has increased in price and money has decreased in value with a corresponding rise in the prices of everything. Inflation in the sense of too much paper money does not yet exist in China. The issuing of it is controlled quite well. Of course, the volume of it is augmented when necessary, but this is really not the source of inflation, on the contrary, it comes from the shortage of resources, and we are beginning to feel this shortage of resources because 6 years have already elapsed since the war began and, in the earlier period of our fighting, there was a plenty and we did not feel the need to control anything. So formerly there was no rationing system at all. Only since last year have we undertaken to control prices by means of regulations, Hence, our inflation problem comes from a shortage of resources.

于斌司教「今日インフレの問題はもちろん深刻です。私たちは6年間も戦っているので。 6年の間に私たちの資源は当然減少しましたし、以前のように豊富ではありません。 結果として、全ての価格が上昇しました。全ての価格の上昇と伴い、お金の価値は減少しました。 中国では通貨量が多いからという意味でのインフレはまだ現れていません。その問題は良く制御されています。もちろん、（通貨）量は必要に応じて増加されます。しかし、これは本当の意味のインフレの原因ではありません。それどころか、これは資源不足から来ています。私たちは戦争が始まってから6年経っているので資源不足を感じているのです。戦争前半では、豊富であったし、私たちは（し資源を）管理する必要を感じてはいませんでした。以前は配給システムが全くありませんでした。 去年から私たちは規制によっての価格調整に着手しました。それ故に私たちのインフレ問題は資源不足が起因しているのです」

But let me say one thing: I do not think that the cause of the present depression in China is so much economic as it is psychological. It has its roots in the fact that today the Chinese people are psychologically depressed, because since Pearl Harbor we have had no major battle with the Japanese except the battle of Changsha. Everybody in China knows that if we are to fight this war effectively, we must have heavy equipment.

于斌司教「しかし、一つ言わせてください。私は中国の現在の停滞が経済的なものであるとは考えていません。心理的理由です。実際今日の中国人の精神的落ち込みは、パールハーバー以降、長沙の戦争以外に私達が日本人と大きな戦いをしなかったからなのです。 「もし私達が効果的にこの戦争をするなら、私達は重装備を持たなくてはならなかっただろう」と 中国人は誰もが知っているからなのです」

The Burma Road is closed and the actual air transportation is insufficient. So our people are depressed, and this reason they are, psychologically speaking, less enthusiastic about sacrificing everything for the country. What is needed is a great victory, in prospect if not already won. What they need is to see some American planes on the bomber fields they prepared nearly 2 years ago. We have been waiting, oh, so long! If only we had 500 bombers to show to our people, I feel sure this dejection would be cured and give place to new enthusiasm; that the people would cooperate with all their strength; that the mental depression would end, and with it the economic one.

于斌司教「ビルマロードは閉鎖されていて、実際空港運輸は不十分です。心理的に言えば、私達は落ち込んでいて、国のために全てを捧げることについて熱心ではありません。すでに勝ったとは行かないまでも、大勝利の見通しは必要です。必要なことは、約2年前に（米軍が）準備した米軍の飛行機を爆撃場で見ることです。私達は待っていました。もうそれは長いこと！ 私たちの国民（中国人）に見せるためのただ500の爆撃機があれば、人々は落胆から救済され、新しい熱意が生まれることを私は確信しています。精神的な落ち込みを終わらせるため、人々が彼らの力と経済的なものと協力するために。

We may still have to have a big offensive to recapture our big cities in Japanese-occupied territory, but we will be ''over the hump''; the gloom of our people will vanish, and so will the economic crisis. The bombing of Tokyo, too, if repeated, will help to solve the economic question, I remember still, how, when the news of the American bombing of Tokyo reached Chungking, our press exclaimed: ''Behold, it is done at last and greatly done!'' And reading of it, the people said, ''Well, now the American people have begun to bomb Tokyo and to blast the industries of Japan: perhaps, in a month or two, Japan will be defeated. What is the use of hoarding one's cereals at home?''

于斌司教「私達は日本が占領した私たちの大きな都市を奪還するために、大きな攻撃をしなければならないかもしれません。しかし、私達は『すでに危機を脱しています』私達人民の陰気さも消えます。そして、経済的危機も消えるでしょう。東京の爆撃も繰り返されるならば、私たちの経済的な問題も解決するのに役立つでしょう。私は私達のプレスで、『アメリカ、東京を爆破』のニュースが重慶市に到着したとき、どのように叫んだかを未だに思い出します。『見てよ、とうとうやった、凄いことやってやった！』と。そして（プレスを）読んだ人たちはいいました。 『米国人が東京に爆撃を開始したよ、東京の産業を爆撃するために。たぶん、１ヶ月か２ヶ月で日本は打ち負かされるだろう。家に貯蔵してある穀物の使途は何にする？』」

Under the influence of the resulting psychological uplift the prices went down immediately. But after several months had gone by and there was no second bombing of Japan, the Chinese people were puzzled to know the reason, and within a period of 3 months the prices rose again to their former level.

于斌司教「結果として生じる精神的な向上の影響の下、価格はすぐに下がりました。 しかし数カ月後も日本に爆撃がなかったので、中国人はその理由を知り困惑しました。 そして、3ヵ月以内に、物価は再び以前のレベルまで上がりました」

Consequently, speaking as a plain man, that is the best answer I can give. Certainly I do not pretend to give an exhaustive answer on economic problems, but it seems to me that what underlies the economic crisis is mainly a political problem.

于斌司教「したがって平凡な男として話せば、私は一番良い答えを与えることができます。 私は経済的問題について徹底的な答えを与えるつもりはありませんが、しかし、私には経済危機の下にあるものは、主に政治的な問題であるように思われます」

If we could win two or three victories and recover some of our large cities; if we could but have the cheering sight of some American bombers; if we could read in our newspapers from time to time of the bombing of some Japanese industrial center, or some Japanese base, it would improve things 100 percent. Or if you will not send us 500 planes, at least send us half that number. That will go far to mend matters. I was at the front in Changsha and I met some soldiers. They said to me, ''Bishop, we have heard that our American friends are helping us a lot. Until now I and my comrades in arms have never seen any problems over us, that is, American planes. What is the explanation? When we have to fight the Japanese, we still fight as we fought before Pearl Harbor with no umbrella of planes overhead to protect us.

于斌司教「もし私達が２つ３つの戦争に勝ち、大きな都市の復興を成し得るのなら、 もし米国の爆撃隊の力強い光景でも見ることが出来るのなら、 もし折に触れ新聞で日本の産業センターか日本軍基地の爆破（の記事を）読むことが出来たなら、 それらの（出来事）は物事を１００％改善するでしょう。 さもなければ、あなたが飛行機５００機を私達に送らないのであれば、せめて半分の数を私達に送ってください。それは物事を改善することにつながります。 私は長沙市の前線におりました、そして戦士たちと会いました。彼らはいいました。 『司教さん、俺らは米国人の友達が俺らを沢山手助けしてくれていると聞いたよ』と。 これまで私と私の仲間は米軍飛行機で武装されていたので、私達の頭上にある問題を少しもわかっていなかったのです。その解釈とは何かというと、日本と戦わねばならないときに、私達を守ってくれるための飛行機の傘なしで戦ったパールハーバー以前の戦争と同じように戦わねばならないことです」

On the contrary, the soldiers of the Japanese Army are always well protected by swarms of planes in the sky above them.'' ''Therefore,'' said the soldiers, ''Pearl Harbor has in no way altered our situation; we are still fighting single-handed.''

于斌司教「それどころか日本軍の兵士はいつも彼らの頭上の空にいる飛行隊により素晴らしく守られているのです。『だからねぇ』その（中国の）戦士は言いました。『真珠湾攻撃は俺らの状況を全然変えなかったんだよ、俺らはまだ独力で戦ってんだよ！』と」

That is their way of looking at it, and that is why I say the economic problem in really a political one; for I know that we still have many things in abundance. The food situation may be difficult for one province but it is not so for all. There is no excessive amount of paper money; it is not issued in large quantities. Therefore, the principal reason for the present economic crisis is political and military, and that is why public opinion in China is clamoring for more planes and more heavy artillery. They are impatient to organize a counterattack for the purpose of recovering some of our large cities. Once this is done, the psychology of Chinese people will change overnight, and I think the economic question will be solved quite easily, perhaps even surprisingly.

于斌司教「これは彼ら（中国の戦士）の見方であります。しかし私が政治的なものの中に経済的問題を見る理由は、私が私達はまだ豊富なものを沢山持っていることを知っているからです。 食料状況は一つの地域にとっては厳しいですが、全ての（地域）にとってはそうではありません。 過剰通貨ではありませんし、大量に（通貨が）発行されているわけでもありません。 それ故に、現在の経済危機の主要な理由は政治的なことと軍事的なことです。そしてそれこそが、中国での大衆の意見である、なぜ多くの飛行機と多くの銃砲台を求めているのかという理由です。 彼ら（中国人）は大都市の復興のための反撃を目的とする組織を望んでいます。 一度これが為されれば、中国人の心理は一晩にして変わります。そして私は経済的問題が驚くほど容易に解決するであろうと思っています」

Chairman BLOOM. Are there any further questions, Mr. Burgin?

ブルーム議長「バーギンさん、その他質問はありませんか？」

Mr.BURGIN. That is all.

バーギン氏「それで全てです」

Mr.RICHARDS. What percentage of the Chinese people support the Chinese Government set up by the Japanese?

リチャード氏「日本人により作られた中国政府を支持している中国人は何％ですか？」

Bishop Yu Pin, In Free China, of course, there is nobody who supports the puppet governments set up by the Japanese. But, in the occupied area, the percentage of supporters is very hard to determine. But, as to their troops, I know that many even of their own officers and men are not for them. That such is the case is proved by the fact that very often we get secret communication from said personnel divulging their true sentiments.

于斌司教「もちろん、中国では誰も日本人により作られた傀儡政府を支持する者はいません。 しかし、占領された地域では、支持者の割合を推測するのが非常に難しいのです。しかし軍隊に関しては、（日本製中国政府の）将校ですら支持していないのを私は知っています。 そのことが真実であるということは、頻繁に彼らの本心を言われた隊員から、極秘のやり取りで聞いています」

In fact, I do not hesitate to say that if the puppet governments in Nanking and elsewhere function as puppet governments under the sponsorship of the Japanese warlords and impose their authority by force upon our people, a Chinese always remains a Chinese. That is a phrase well known in every part of Free China. It means that all the Chinese in the occupied area are far from being supporters of the puppet government. They are mostly for the Government and the national leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, and that is the true situation. I carry on much secret correspondence with my flock in the occupied area, 'Last year I was instrumental in freezing large numbers of students in the occupied are and in bringing them to Free China. They told me many interesting stories, all tending to indicate that puppet governments have few, if any, sincere supporters in the occupied regions, which is the main reason why they cannot maintain order outside of Nanking itself.

于斌司教「実際に、もし南京の傀儡政府や、日本人軍事指導者の後援の元で傀儡政府として機能している他のどこかが、力ずくで私達人民に権力を行使するなら、私はそれを言うことに躊躇はしません。 「中国人は中国人のままだ」と。その言葉は中国のあらゆる所で良く知られています。 占領された地域の全ての中国人が傀儡政府の支持者からは程遠いことを意味します。 彼ら（中国人）の大部分は政府と蒋介石のリーダーシップを支持しており、それは真実の状況です。 私は占領された地域にいる信者と秘密の連絡を続けていて、去年、私は占領された地域で怖気付いていた多くの学生を中国に連れていくのに尽力いたしました。彼らは私に面白い話をしてくれました。 彼らが南京の外側に秩序を維持することができない主要な理由は、占領された地域では傀儡政府を支持する傾向はあるとしても少ないからです」

Outside of Nanking City, the Chinese guerrillas, the Chinese officials and civilians are in control. In the occupied area, not even the Japanese themselves maintain orderly systems of communication. Under the surface, the people remain Loyal to China and heartily protest the Japanese. The occupied area is a very general term. – The Japanese do not effectively occupy said area, they occupy only some homes and some towns, the big cities, and certain lines of communication.　Indeed, they do not effectively maintain even so important a line of communication as the railway form Peking to Hankow; they cannot keep it open and they fail to get through.

于斌司教「南京市街は中国人ゲリラと中国当局、そして中国市民が管理しています。 占領された地域すら日本人は秩序ある交通網を維持することはできません。 本音では、人々は「中国に忠誠を」と日本人に心から抗議することを忘れていません。 占領された地域とはとても一般的な語です。日本人は効果的に前述の地域を占領していません。 彼らは住居と街と大きな市と一定の交通網だけを占拠しています。 本当に彼らは非効率で、北京から漢口の鉄道のような重要な交通網すら維持していないのです。 だから彼らはその道を開いておくことはできないし、彼らは（その道を）通過できません」

Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Stearns,

ブルーム議長「スターンズさん」

Mr. STEARNS. Your Excellency, I hope you appreciate and your people appreciate the deep affection the American people feel for the people of China.

スターンズ氏「司教様、私はあなたが感謝してくれること、米国民が中国人のために感じる深い愛情に中国人が感謝してくれることを望んでいます」

Bishop Yu Pin, Certainly, we do.

于斌司教「間違いなく、私達は感謝しています」

Mr. STEARNS. And the extent to which they share with the people of China our inability to do more than we have done as yet, I hope there will be no delay in getting planes into China. At the same time we have to recognize if China is to be used as a base for attack Japan there has got to be better communication and ultimately there has got to be a reopening of the Burma Road. The recent British occupation in Burma, and that is a difficult problem, calls for more naval forces. And so the opening of the Mediterranean and the fall of Tunis. The opening of Mediterranean is going to be a direct contribution.

スターンズ氏「私達が成し得ていないことを中国民とシェアする点に於いて、遅れのないように飛行機を中国に入れることを望みます。同時に私達は中国が、 日本の攻撃によって軍事基地として使われるかどうか、そこにはより良い交通が出来たか、 最終的にはビルマロードを再開されないかどうかを知らなければなりません。 最近の英国のビルマでの占拠は難しい問題であり、多くの海軍を必要とします。 そして地中海を開放することとチュニスの陥落。地中海を解放することは、直接貢献することになってしまいます」

Bishop Yu Pin. I think so. That is true.

于斌司教「私もそう思います、それは事実です」

Mr. STEARNS. Just one other question, I think it is a matter of communications. I notice in reading Mr. Willkie's book he spoke of the railroad. Can some supplies get out of Russia? Is there any conceivable possibility of developing that?

スターンズ氏「もう一つ質問を。私はそれは交通の問題であると考えています。私はウィルキー氏の本を読んでいて彼が鉄道について語ったことに気が付きました。 必需品はロシアを出ることができますか？それ（ロシアからの経路）を開発する可能性は考えられますか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. There is, because the Chinese Government is now planning the railway Russia but to complete it will require a very long time. It is not a solution for the moment, but may materialize in 2 or 3 years. Maybe it will be a post-war problem. For the present, we have a highway for busses from Chungking to Russia. But this route is only useful to a limited extent. It takes a whole month, for instance, to travel on it from the frontier of China to Chungking. That is quite a long time: so it is not very practical.

于斌司教「はい、中国政府がロシア鉄道を計画していますが、それを完成させるのには長い時間を要します。それはさしあたっての解決策ではありません。しかし、2,3年で実現するかもしれません。 たぶん戦後の問題になるでしょう。現状として重慶市からロシアまでのバスのための高速道路があります。しかし、このルートは限られた範囲にのみ役立ちます。例えば中国の国境から重慶市に行くのに数ヶ月掛かります。とても長い時間ですので、それは実用的ではありません」

Mr. STEARNS. The highway is not built?

スターンズ氏「高速道路は造られていない？」

Bishop Yu Pin. Yes; there is a highway.

于斌司教「高速道路はあります」

Mr. STEARNS. Some of it is by camel train, and so forth?

スターンズ氏「その（交通手段の）一部分はキャラバンで、その他には？」

Bishop Yu Pin. Of course, we are using all the kinds of communication, even on human backs, to transport whatever we can across the mountains. Every means of transport is utilized. We use all sorts of transport systems, even old-time methods of 40 centuries ago, we have revived them all to bring in the thinks we need. But what we have brought in does not amount to much. All the communications are difficult.

于斌司教「もちろん、私達は山を超えて輸送するために。あらゆる種類の交通手段を使っています。人の背中ですら。私達は全ての輸送システムを使います。４０年前の方法だとしても、です。 私達は必要と考えられるもの持ってくるために、全ての（手段）を回復させました。 しかし私達が持ち込めたものは多くはありません。全ての交通手段は困難です。

Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Eberharter.

ブルーム議長「エバーハーターさん」

Mr. EBERHARTHR. Your Excellency, may I ask you where you got your education?

エバーハーター氏「司教様、どこで教育を受けたかお聞きしてよろしいでしょうか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. I studied in the Aurora University in Shanghai and then I went to study in Europe, where I remained for ten years, visiting various countries during that time, such as France, Belgium, Italy, Germany, and so forth.

于斌司教「私は上海のオーロラ大学で学び、そしてヨーロッパに留学しました。 そこにいる１０年の間に様々な国を訪れました。フランス、ベルギー、イタリア、ドイツなどです」

Mr. EBERHARTHR. Your English is so good I thought perhaps you had gotten part of your education in the United States.

エバーハーター氏「あなたの英語は素晴らしくて、私は多分あなたは一部の教育を米国で受けたと思っていました」

Bishop Yu Pin. I came several times to visit the United States and for that reason I am able to make myself understood in English.

于斌司教「私は数回米国に来たことがあります。それ故に私は自分の意志を英語で伝えることができます」

Mr. EBERHARTHR. Your Excellency, Secretary of War Stimson made, I think, the finest tribute I ever heard to the heroism and fortitude of the Chinese soldier. But along those lines we often hear stories to the effect there is a great deal of danger of Japanese being able to buy over some of the Chinese commanders and generals. Have you anything you may say to us on that question?

エバーハーター氏「司教様、中国戦士の勇敢さと不屈の精神にスティムソン陸軍長官は、私の聞いた限り最も素晴らしい賛辞をしました。しかしある筋から、私はよく日本人が中国の一部の司令官や将軍を買収可能で沢山の危険性があるという話を聞いています。その疑問に関してあなたが何か仰りたいことはありますか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. On that point, let me say frankly, in the interest of a better understanding on the part of everyone, that some generals are not held in very high esteem. That is to say, they do not count for much. You know and perhaps everybody knows we have had a good many generals in China, perhaps too many. Some of them may be in secret communication with the Japanese. That is possible.

于斌司教「その点について、より良い理解のためにも率直に言わせてください。一部の将軍があまり高い評価を得ていないことは事実です。すなわち、彼らは重要（人物）ではありません。 あなたも多分みなさんも知っていらっしゃると思いますが、私達中国には良い将軍が沢山います。 彼らの一部は日本人と密談をしている、それは可能なことです」

But today, after 6 years of trial in the crucible of war, most of this dross has been purged away. Time has enabled us to discern who are true patriots and who are not. Some of these time-serving generals have already been weeded out and these may have sold themselves to the puppet government. However, they are not important. Such men are never important.

于斌司教「しかし今日、６年間の戦争の厳しい試練への訓練の後、大部分のカスは取り除かれました。 時間は私達に誰が本物の愛国者で誰がそうでないかをわからせてくれました。 数人の日和見的な将軍たちは、すでに除名されていて、これらの人々は傀儡政府に自分自身を売ったかも知れません。しかしながら彼らは重要ではありません。そのような人たちは決して重要ではありません」

Mr. EBERHARTHR. Would they have any following among the soldiers?

エバーハーター氏「彼らは戦士間で支持者がいますか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. Yes; at times they have. For instance, one general, who was demoted 2 years ago, brought 5,000 soldiers with him to Wang Ching-wei, but I am sure the soldiers in question were misled by a false presentation of the case.

于斌司教「例えばある時２年前降格された人物が汪兆銘のところに5,000の戦士を連れて行きましたが、私は問題のある兵士が偽のプレゼンテーションに惑わされたのだと思っています」

Mr. EBERHARTHR. In other words, this is not great and serious problem.

エバーハーター氏「言い換えれば、それはさほど大きくて深刻な問題ではないですね」

Bishop Yu Pin. No, no, not at all.

于斌司教「そうです、そのとおりでございます」

Mr. EBERHARTHR. Just one more question. Are the Japanese making any progress in their attempt to convince the people say of Burma and Indonesia and even the Philippines that they will be their saviors and give them a better way of life by propaganda efforts?

エバーハーター氏「もう一つ質問を。日本人は宣伝努力により、ビルマやインドネシアの人々を納得させたり、フィリピン人にさえ、日本人は彼らに良い生活を与える救世主ですと納得させていますか」

Bishop Yu Pin. Exactly. They make many efforts of this kind. They are making them every day. If you turn on radio any day you are sure to hear this kind of propaganda: ''Well, men of China, it is high time for you to wake up and realize that from the with people you will get nothing. You see that since Pearl Harbor China is the only one of the United Nations that gets literally nothing. What else can you expect of the white people? Let us Asiatics unite to organize the greater eastern Asia coprosperity sphere, or something like it.''

于斌司教「本当に。（日本人は）そのような努力を毎日しています。もしラジオをつけたら、あなたは必ずこの種の宣伝を聞くでしょう『ええとね、中国の男性方、あなた達が何も得るものはないと知り、目覚める時間が来ましたよ。パールバーバー以降、中国は国際連合でただ一つの何も得ない国ですよ。 あなたは何を白人に期待することができるのですか？アジア人は、より大きな東アジア共同繁栄範囲またはそのようなものを組織するために団結しましょう！』と」

Every day it is the same old story. Japanese propaganda is very active along such lines. For this reason, I want all our friends to know that the policy of equal treaties will go far toward enabling the Chinese people to combat this Japanese propaganda. Now that their unequal treaties with China are being abolished by America, Great Britain and certain nations of Europe, the aforesaid Japanese propaganda is not nearly so effective us it was before. Recently it has taken a new task. It says: ''Well, now we have heard in the U.S. Congress certain bills favoring equality have been presented but they have already been killed: equality is promised only to cheat the people. The Atlantic Charter ※ is not sincere. So you will find that, in the end, even though the treaties change, the treatment will not change.'' That is the line their propaganda takes today.

于斌司教「毎日同じ話をするのです。日本人のプロパガンダはこのような方針でに活発です。 このような理由により、私は全ての友人に、平等条約の方針は中国人が日本のプロパガンダと戦う足しになることを知ってもらいたいです。中国と不平等な条約はアメリカ、英国とヨーロッパの特定の国によって廃止されていて、前述の日本人のプロパガンダは以前程効果的ではありません。最近では新しい課題になりました。それは『ええぇっとね、私達は今、米国議会で平等を支持している議案のことを聞いたんだけど、それはすでに破棄されたから。平等なんて人々を騙すために約束されたものなんだよ、太平洋憲章なんて嘘っぱちだよ。結局さ、条約が変わるとしても処遇なんて変わんないんだよ』と。こんな方針が彼ら（日本人）今日のプロパガンダです。

Mr. EBERHARTHR. Is it having any success?

エバーハーター氏「(プロパガンダは)成功しているのですか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. In China, no.

于斌司教「中国ではしていません」

Mr. EBERHARTHR. I mean in Burma and Indochina.

エバーハーター氏「ビルマとインドネシアではどうかという意味です」

Bishop Yu Pin. With the native population in Burma and even India (through which I had to pass on my way to America), this kind of propaganda is very effective. That is to say, it is very convincing. I recall having discussed the point with some of the Indian leaders, who said : ''Well, you must admit that the Japanese are right, because we have to put up with such indignities us the imprisonment of Gandhi and our other leaders. We Indians cannot hope for anything from the white people. Neither are China and the Chinese treated on terms of equality anywhere in the world, not withstanding the abolition of the unequal treaties.'' Such is their way of looking at it, and thus it is that they tend to side with the Japanese. I fear, therefore, that Japanese propaganda may do much harm to our common sense, and for this reason certainly we hope Great Britain will find a satisfactory solution to the Indian question. At the same time we would like to be able to point to some concrete evidence showing that the attitude of the United States is not what Japanese propaganda makes it out to be.

于斌司教「ビルマと私が米国に来る途中で通らねばならなかったインドでは、このようなプロパガンダは効果的です。すなわち、それはとても説得力があります。私はインドの指導者数人とこの点について再協議したことを思い出します。誰かは言いました『ねぇ、あんたは日本が正しいと認めないといけないよ。だって、うちらはガンジーとその他の指導者の投獄っていう屈辱に耐えなければならないんだから。うちらインド人は白人になにも望めないよ。中国と中国人はさ、世界中どこでも平等になんか扱われないよ。不平等条約廃止のために抵抗しないとさ』と。これがインド人の物の見方です。 このように彼らは日本人側につく傾向があります。したがって私は、日本人のプロパガンダが私たちの常識を多く傷つけることを恐れています。そしてこのような理由により私たちは英国がインドの問題について満足できる解決策を見つけることを望んでいます。同時に、私たちは米国の姿勢を裏付ける決定的な証拠を見せることは、日本人のプロパガンダを無効にするということを指摘したいです」

Mr. EBERHARTHR. Thank you very much.

エバーハーター氏「ありがとうございました」

Chairman BLOOM. Your Excellency, it is very interesting to hear what the Chinese people are thinking generally form your firsthand. In the broad context you have made a very complete statement. I wondered if the Chinese people, for instance, recognize the necessity under the theory of the two fronts, the first front being Europe, that eventually that will inure to their benefit principally by preventing Hitler and the Japs from joining at the east end of the Mediterranean and keeping the Mediterranean open. Do they feel that? Is that their psychology that eventually that will benefit them or do they rather feel the exigencies of their own situation, that time is running against us in the Pacific? What is the general reaction on that?

ブルーム議長「司教様、中国人が一般的に何を思っているかを直接あなたから聞けて興味深かったです。委員会で、あなたは完璧な陳述をしました。例えばもし中国人が2つの局面の理屈の下で、必需性を認識しているとするなら、最終的には彼らの利益は、ヒトラーや日本を防ぐことによることです。 地中海を開けたままにすることと地中海の西の果てで加わることで効力を生じると思います。 （つまり、日本と戦うこととヒトラーと戦うことで効力が生じると言っている） どう思われますか？彼らの心理（状況）は最終的にそれらが彼らの利益になると感じるのか、さもなければ彼らはむしろ自分の置かれた立場に緊急性を感じるのか。 一般的な反応はどうですか？太平洋で彼らと対峙する時は来ているのでしょうか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. The general reaction is to deprecate this distinction of fronts. For instance, we frequently hear the slogan: ''Fight Hitler first.'' That saying is extremely unpopular in China where our people want to know what the phrase ''Fight Hitler first'' really means. Does it mean first in time, or first importance? If it means first in importance, then that may be discussed in strategical meetings, because the Chinese people consider the war as indivisible one, the same way everywhere, in the Pacific no less than in the Atlantic. It is all one and the same war. Therefore, all fronts are of equal importance.

于斌司教「一般的な反応は第一面の優越性を非難していることです。例えば、私たちは頻繁に「最初にヒトラーと戦え」と聞いていますが、「最初にヒトラーと戦え」の本当意味を知っていたい中国人にとってそれを言うことは、とても不人気です。 その意味は時間的に最初なのか、最初に重要であるのか。 その意味が重要性で先を意味するのなら、中国人は戦争は分割できないと考えるので戦略会議で議論されるべきでしょう、太平洋も大西洋も同じ方法で（戦っているので）全ては同じ一つの戦争です。 それ故に、全ての（戦争の）局面は等しいのです」

But where to begin first: that is question of strategy to be decided objectively by the military authorities of all the United Nations acting in unison. For this reason the Chinese people in that point are utterly opposed to the glib shibboleth: ''Fight Hitler first.'' They question it, they challenge it. They ask ''Why Hitler first.'' Why not Hitler together with Japan, or why not first Japan, since Japan, in fact increasing in strength while Hitler is merely holding on? '' Japan, in fact, is on the offensive, Hitler on the defensive. They why not attack first the aggressive enemy whose power is on the increase, and, having finished him, concentrate the united forces of all the allies on the now weakened battalions of the Nazis.'' That is the idea of the Chinese people. Hence, they do not like the idea of fighting Hitler first.

于斌司教「しかし最初に始めるという意味も、国際連合の事務当局によって明確に決められている戦略的な問題です。中国人のこのような理由により、最もらしい標語「最初にヒトラーと戦え」は反発されているという視点があります。彼らはそれを質問し、疑問を呈します。彼らは訪ねます『なんで非ヒトラーが最初なのかねぇ？』なぜヒトラーと日本ではないのか？さもなければ最初に日本ではないのか？ヒトラーが単に持ちこたえてる間に、実は日本が力を増加させたからでしょうか？ 『事実、日本は攻撃状態にあるよ。ヒトラーは守備の状態にあるよ。 彼はなんで最初に力を増加させた敵を攻撃しないのかとそしてトドメを射さないの？ なぜすべての連合軍隊を今の弱体化したナチス軍に集中するの？』 これが中国人の考えです。それ故に彼らは「最初にヒトラーと戦え」という考えは嫌うのです」

That, I may say, is the general opinion. Were you to ask my personal opinion, it might be somewhat different, but now I am interpreting popular opinion in China. The Chinese people do not like this preference for fighting Hitler. At the same time, they think of the war and the victory as one. Hence, they hail today's victory in north America as enthusiastically as they hailed their own victory in Changsha immediately after Pearl Harbor. For them, the victory in Africa is a Chinese victory too, Consequently, if this one sided idea of finishing Hitler first is too much insisted on, it is bound to prove harmful to Chinese morale, because it is liable to generate a misunderstanding. And what is this misunderstanding to which I refer? The answer, though not of prime importance, will help you to understand the situation.

于斌司教「私はこれを一般的な意見だと言えると思います。あなたが私の個人的な意見を訪ねるのなら、幾分異なると思います。しかし、私は今中国での一般的な意見を説明しているのです。 中国人はヒトラーと戦うこと優先することを好みません。同時に彼らは戦争と勝利について考えています。それゆえに、パールハーバーの直後に長沙市で彼ら自身の勝利を歓迎したのと同じくらい熱心に、彼らは北アメリカで今日の勝利を歓迎します。 したがって、もし最初にヒトラーを戦うと言う考えがあまりに沢山主張されるようであれば、そのことは誤解されやすいので、中国人の士気にとって有害だと証明されるはずです。そして私が言及する誤解とは何かというと、その答えはあまり重要だと思えないですが、あなたがこの状況を理解するの助けるでしょう」

Our people are opposed to the finish-Hitler-first policy partly because the have no assurance as to what will be the second step after Hitler is defeated. Will it be to fight Japan to the finish, or will it be to compromise? That is the question. If we could be sure that the United Nations will force the Japanese to kneel down, that is to surrender unconditionally, then we would not regard a little waiting as an unbearable hardship. Once we had this assurance, we would be prepared to hold out as long as necessary. But what my people most fear is that after the war in Europe is over, the war in the Pacific may end in a compromise. Not that they fear this so far as America is concerned: we do not doubt, for we have confidence in the United States, but our people fear lest Great Britain may be disposed to compromise. Perhaps, this is not fair to our British allies; nevertheless, Chinese public opinion inclines to the belief that Britain may compromise with Japan. Such a compromise would be hard on the United States and, what is more, would endanger the safety of the United States.

于斌司教「ヒトラーを打ち負かした後の第二段階が何になるのかが確信がないので、中国人は部分的に「最初にヒトラーを終わらせろ」という政策に反対しています。それは日本との戦いを終わらせることでしょうか？もしくは妥協することでしょうか？それが問題なのです。 もし国際連合が日本人を力ずくで膝まずかせることができることが確かなら、無条件降伏なら、 少し待つことを耐えられない痛みとして見倣さないでしょう。このような保証（日本の無条件降伏）があるのなら、私たちは必要な限り耐える用意があります。 しかし中国人が最も恐れるものは、ヨーロッパの戦争が終わった時に、太平洋戦争も妥協して終わってしまうことなのです。米国に関して心配はありません。私たちは疑いなく米国を信頼しています。 しかし、英国は和解するような気がして恐れています。 これはおそらく私たちの英国との結びつきが公平ではないのですが、それにも関わらず 中国の世論は、英国が日本に譲歩するかもしれないという確信に傾きます。 このような妥協（日本に譲歩）は米国にとって厳しくて、妥協が多ければ、米国を危険に晒します」

To the Chinese the very thought of it is appalling. What, after all, have we been fighting for? Of what use is it to us to fight in the cause of the United Nations if we are not to regain our territorial integrity and to rid our land of the perpetual menace of Japan? That is our great worry. The upshot is that the popular reaction against the slogan: ''Finish with Hitler first,'' is quite violent and serious in China. But, of course, if the people understand that ''Hitler first'' involved only a question of time and not the question of importance, and that eventually Japan's turn would come also, they would find the outlook more encouraging. The reason public opinion dislikes the idea of fighting Hitler first and Japanese after Hitler is defeated. That is the problem. Hence, the only means to convince the Chinese that as quickly as possible with the modern armament is so badly need. Then only will our people feel reassured. Then only will they be able to say: ''Now we are well armed and can forge ahead to victory.''

于斌司教「中国人にとってその考え（日本への妥協）はゾッとするものです。 結局私たちは何のために戦ってきたのでしょうか？ 私達が領土を奪還して私たちの土地から日本の脅威を取り除ことをしなかったら、国際連合のために戦う理由はなんですか？これが私たちの大きな心配です。その（心配の）結果が「ヒトラーを先に終わらせろ」というスローガンは酷く横暴で深刻だという中国での民衆の反応なのです。 しかしもちろん、もし人々が「最初」は時間の問題と重要性の問題だけでないと、重要性の問題ではないと、結局また日本（を攻撃する）番はやってくると、理解すれば、彼らはその展望を励みにするでしょう。民衆の意見が最初にヒトラーと戦えとか、ヒトラーを打ち負かしてから日本人だ、の考えを嫌うのは、このような理由です。これは問題です。それ故に中国人を納得させる唯一の手段である最新の軍備（を揃えること）ができるだけ早く必要なのです。 それだけが人々に安らぎを感じさせ、そして彼らは『俺らは今、十分に武装していて、勝利に向かって進むことが出来るんだ！』ということができます」

Chairman BLOOM. Your Excellency, while I am thinking of it you saw Mr. Willkie when he was in China?

ブルーム議長「司教様、ウォルキー氏が中国にいた時、あなたは彼にあったのでしょうか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. Yes; I was north China at the time he visited the front and I accompanied him to the front to review the soldiers.

于斌司教「はい。私が彼を訪れたのは、中国北部にいる時でした。私は戦士たちを閲兵するために彼に同行しました」

Chairman BLOOM. You were his interpreter at that time?

ブルーム議長「あなたはその時彼の通訳でしたか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. No. Dr. Tung was the interpreter. I was one of the party that accompanied him.

于斌司教「違います、トン博士が通訳でした。私は参加者の一人として彼に同行しました」

Mr. GORDON. I am very grateful for the very fine talk you have delivered to the committee. I have no question.

ゴードン氏「私はあなたが素晴らしい話をこの委員会に届けてくれたことにとても感謝しています。 私は質問はありません」

Chairman BLOOM. Mr. McMURRAY.

ブルーム議長「マクマリーさん」

Mr. McMURRAY. What would be the psychological reaction on the Chinese people if we here in the United States repealed our Chinese Exclusion Act and say as a substitute for that put China as other nations on the status of Europe and most of the rest of the world, on a quota basis for immigration? What would be the psychological effect on China being able to hold out and feeling that we really mean what we are fighting for.

マクマリー氏「もし私達が中国人排斥法廃止して、その代わりに中国に入国管理の割り当ての根拠として、ヨーロッパや他の国々のような地位を中国に与えると言ったなら、中国の人々の精神的な反応はどうですか？ 中国が持ちこたえられることや中国が感じている私達が戦っていることの本当の意味関して心理的影響を与えるものになり得ますか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. Excellent. The reaction would be most favorable. The Chinese people would come to understand that equality was no more name.

于斌司教「すばらしいです。（中国人排斥法を廃止して、他国と同等になれば）反応は、より好意的なものになるでしょう。中国人は平等が名ばかりではなかったとわかるようになるでしょう」

Mr. McMURRAY. May I just ask if you understand even though you see under the quota system the number of Chinese people who could come here would be very small they would be treated exactly like all other nationals of all other states, you see, that is on a quota basis depending on the number of Americans of Chinese descent, and that would be satisfactory to China?

マクマリー氏「少し伺ってもよろしいでしょうか？あなたがもし、他国と全く同じように扱われ割り当て制度の下ここに来られる中国人の数がとても少なくなる理解しているとしたら、つまり定員基準によって米系中国人の数は減少します。それは中国人にとって満足のいくものでしょうか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. Of course, the Chinese people understand that. We have only 80,000 people in the United States. Therefore, if we receive the same treatment as other nations it means a small quota, perhaps 100 Chinese.

于斌司教「もちろんです。中国人はそれを理解しています。米国に8万人の中国人がいますが、それゆえにもし、私たちは他国のように同じ扱いを受けたなら、それはとても少人数定員を意味します。だいたい１００人です」

Mr. McMURRAY. A little less than 100.

マクマリー氏「１００人未満ですね」

Bishop Yu Pin. Less than 100 and then, that does not matter very much. At the same time, I may say very frankly, because we are not in a public forum, that we Chinese people have no desire to see many of our Chinese became American citizens. We want to keep them Chinese for China. Chinese businessmen, travelers, and students should be free to come to America but not to remain there as American citizens. We need them at home. That, I believe, is the psychology of all nations respecting this matter. Hence, our aim is not to seek citizenship. But that is a secondary matter. What does matter much is discrimination. It is not right to exercise discrimination. We want to be on an equal footing with other nations. Given that status, the quota may be ever so small, provided it is on a basis that is the same for all nations. Such a provision will mean much for the Chinese psychology and morale of the Chinese people, which in war is a factor of the utmost importance.

于斌司教「１００人未満であること、それは大きな問題ではありません。同時に私たちは公の法廷にいるわけではないので、私は少しフランクに話させていただきますが、中国人は米国市民になった中国人を見たい願望はありません。私たちは彼らに中国のための中国人であって欲しいのです。 中国のビジネスマン達、旅行者達そして学生は自由に米国に来られるべきですが、米国市民としてそこに残るべきではないです。私たちは自国で彼らを必要としています。これがこの問題を重んじている全ての国々の心理だと思っております。それ故に私達の目的は市民権を求めることではありません。 しかし、第二の問題があります。差別の問題をどうするのかということです。 差別をすることは正しいことではありません。私たちは他国と平等の資格を求めています。 地位が与えられれば、それがたとえ定数が小さくなることだとしても、全ての国家と同じ基準で規定されているということになります。 そのような規定は、戦争時で最大の重要要因である中国人の心理や士気を上げることを意味します」

Mr. McMURRAY. I might say, and this is just my own personal opinion naturally, I opposed the Chinese Exclusion Act and the whole Asiatic exclusion clause of the immigration bill when it was passed and talked against it, well, since it ''was'' passed in 1924, as I recall. I think it is inexcusable and we in the United State ought to put those people on a quota basis as we treat other people because there is a question of face there of being treated equally with other people. I agree with you 100 percent, it ought to be done. It would be one of the finest things America could do to show the world we mean what we are fighting for after this war.

マクマリー氏「これは私の個人的な意見ですが、言わさせて頂きます。 私は中国人排斥法と出入国管理法案の全てのアジアの免責条項に反対しました、それが可決する時や議論されているときに。そうですね、それが1924年に通過してからも、私が思い出した様に。 私はそれを許しがたいことであり、私達米国では人々は私達が他の国々を扱うように定数基準が在るべきだと思っています。なぜなら問題は他国の人々と平等に扱うということにあると思うので。私はあなたに100％同意しています、それらはそう成されるべきです。 それは米国が世界に見せれる最上のことの一つであり、この戦争の後の為に私達が何と戦っているかということを意味します」

Bishop Yu Pin. Exactly.

于斌司教「そのとおりでございます」

Chairman BLOOM. Any further questions?

ブルーム議長「他に質問は？」

Mr. McMURRAY. No.

マクマリー氏「ありません」

Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Rogers.

ブルーム議長「ロジャーさん」

Mr.ROGERS. I just want to second the words-of Mr.Mcmurray. I have no questions.

ロジャー氏「私はマクマリー氏の発言を支持したいです。質問はありません」

Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Mansfield.

ブルーム議長「マンスフィールドさん」

Mr.MANSFIELD. Your Excellency, tying up with that question that Judge Eberharter put about the possibility of certain generals being bought off. Hasn't Chiang Kai-shek and Madame Chiang tried to do away with the idea and are not they putting more and more trust and confidence in the Whangpao military academy?

マンスフィールド氏「司教様、エバーハーター判事が、将校は買収されているという可能性についてお話されましたその問題と関連することなのですが。蒋介石と宋美齢夫人はその野心をやっつけようとはしていないのですか？彼らはますます多くの信頼と信用を黄埔軍官学校に置いていませんか？

Bishop Yu Pin. Whangpao Academy; yes, I do not quite understand the question but I think your idea is that Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek has more confidence in his own students than in others, is that is?

于斌司教「黄埔軍官学校、私はその質問を理解しておりませんが、 しかし私はあなたの考えは蒋介石総帥が他人より多く彼の学生を信頼しているということだと思います、そうですね？」

Mr.MANSFIELD. Yes; that is the point.

マンスフィールド氏「そうです、そこがポイントなのです」

Bishop Yu Pin. Yes, I see. From the psychological point of view, he has greater confidence in the students trained in his own school and the graduates of this school are certainly fighting well for China. I think that, thanks to their modern knowledge of military affairs, to their patriotism, to their conviction in their ideologies, that is to say, in the their patriotism, to their conviction in their ideologies, that is to say, in the ideology of national policy, most of those cadets have, or will soon, become generals. These officers are good fighting men. Personally, I am more satisfied with their records than with those of many others. That is the actual situation. On the other hand, the policy of the government and of the generalissimo is to treat all soldiers impartially. Of course, affection is something personal. He has more affection for his students: I think that is true. But that does not imply favoritism or discrimination against other.

于斌司教「なるほど。精神的な見解から、彼（蒋介石）は学生に対するより大きな信頼を彼自身の鍛えられた学生に持っています。そして、この学校の卒業生は確かによく中国のために戦っています。 私は、彼らの現代的な軍事の知識・彼らの愛国心・彼らのイデオロギー的な確信のお陰だと思っています。すなわち、国政のイデオロギーにおいて、これらの候補生が（それを）持つなら、さすれば、将校になるのでしょう。これらの将校はよく働く男たちです。個人的には私は彼らの記録により、他の将校たちより満足しています。これが実際の状況です。もう一方で、政府の方針と総帥の方針が 全ての兵士を平等に扱うことです。もちろん、愛情は個人的なもので、彼はより多くの愛情を彼の学生に持っているでしょう。私はそのことは真実だと思います。しかしそれは他の者に対しての差別や 依怙贔屓を意味しません」

Mr.MANSFIELD. Yes; I understood he was treating the older generals on a basis of equality but when they outlive their usefulness, these young men in whom he has implicit trust and confidence would be delegated to take their places.

マンスフィールド氏「はい、私は彼が他の年配の将校を同じ基準で扱っているのを理解していましたが。しかし、彼ら（年配の将校）が彼らの有用性より長生きした時、これらの暗黙の信用と信頼がある（黄埔軍官学校の）若い人々が年配将校の職務を取るために派遣されるでしょう」

Bishop Yu Pin. In general I think he has more confidence in his own students. In special case, he esteems the older generals highly and reserves for them the higher commands. No Whangpao students, none even of his own students has ever been made commander-in chief in any area. We have different areas of war in China. Each commander is one belonging to the older school. None of them are students of the generalissimo. That is the fact. But I think, psychologically speaking, he has more confidence in his own students. Yet when it comes to high military posts, he gives the preference to the older generals; not to all the older generals but to many of them,

于斌司教「一般的に私は、蒋介石は彼の学生により信頼を持っていると思います。 特別なケースでは、彼は年配の将校をとても重んじて、より高度な命令のために彼らを確保しています。黄埔軍官学校の学生で彼自身の学生のさえ誰も、これまでに最高司令官になった者はいません。 中国には戦争とは異なる地域があります。それぞれの指揮官は古い学校に属しています。 彼らのうち一人も蒋介石総帥の学生ではありません。これは真実です。しかし心理的に話せば、 彼（蒋介石は）彼の学生により信頼を持っていると思うのです。 それでも軍の高いポストに関しては、彼は年配の将校に優先して与えています。 全ての年配の将校ではありませんが、彼らの多くに、です」

Mr.MANSFIELD. Your Excelency, you mentioned the need of planes for China and we all recognize that fact. I can assure you this committee wholeheartedly is willing to do everything it can that respect, but it seems to me that the rub in that particular situation is the matter of high-octane gasoline. Now in late months it is my understanding you have uncovered some oil deposits in northwestern China. Can they furnish the type of gasoline necessary to fly these planes?

マンスフィールド氏「司教様、あなたは中国での飛行機の必要性を述べました。そして私たちはみな、 その事実を認識しています。 私はあなたにこの委員会が心から全てを用意する気持ちがあることを保証することができます。 特別な状況で困難なのは、ハイオクガソリンの問題のように思えます。 半年の間に、あなたが中国北西部で石油埋蔵量を発見したことを理解しています。 飛行機を飛ばすのに必要なタイプのガソリンを供給することができますか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. For the moment it is a question of shortage of machinery for that purpose. If we had the machinery, I think we could get some high-octane gasoline from those deposits too, because the wells in question are productive and it is a very big area. I had the pictures and the statistics before me when I attended the People's Political Council. I made a study of the well in North China. I think if we can get in the refinery machinery for this kind of cracking, we may get some octane, not a sufficient quantity for all planes, but at any rate some.

于斌司教「その目的に対する当面の問題は機材的な不足です。もし私達が機材を持っていたら、私はその貯蔵からハイオクガソリンも得ることができただろうと考えています。 井戸の生産性の問題と、地域が広大なためです。私は以前、人民政治委員会に参加した時に図画と統計学を身につけました。私は中国北部で井戸について学んだのです。 もし私達がこのようなラッキングのための機械装置の精製所を持つことができたら、 全ての飛行機のために十分な量ではないですが、少なくともいくらかのオクタンを得ることができるでしょう」

Mr.MANSFIELD. This road that Mr. Stearns and you were talking about, that is, this proposed railroad, would that connect with the Turk-Sib Railroad through Turkestan?

マンスフィールド氏「その道については、スターンズ氏とあなたが話していましたね。 提案された鉄道はトルキスタンを通ってトルキスタン・シベリア鉄道につながっていますか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. Yes,

于斌司教「はい」

Mr.MANSFIELD. Wouldn't it be possible for the Russians to send in high-octane gasoline if that route were opened to help fly planes against the Japanese?

マンスフィールド氏「その道が日本人に対して飛行機を飛ばすために開かれたのなら、ロシア人がハイオクガソリンを送ってくれることは可能なのでしょうか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. If we had the railroad, of course, it is possible to do that. Without the railroad it is possible in smaller quantity, but the trouble is that the Russians need this gasoline badly. They have nothing to ship to China; that is the difficultly.

于斌司教「もちろん、私達が鉄道を持っていれば、そうすることは可能です。鉄道なしでは可能性は薄いです。困ったことにロシア人もこのガソリンは必要なのです。彼らは中国に手段する術を何も持ちません。すなわち、これはとても難しいことです」

Mr.MANSFIELD. The oil wells which the Russians have in Europe and Russian Turkestan cannot furnish the high-octane gasoline necessary?

マンスフィールド氏「ロシア人がヨーロッパとロシアに持っている油田、トルキスタンは必要なハイオクガソリンを供給することができませんか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. Yes.

于斌司教「はい」

Mr.MANSFIELD. Could you tell us something about the treatment of the Japanese toward the captured Chinese?

マンスフィールド氏「捕虜になった中国人に対しての日本人の処遇について話してもらえますか？」

Bishop Yu Pin. It is a very bitter question for us because most of our prisoners have been killed by the Japanese. They kept them for a very short time and then killed them, that is all. They do not like to bother with our prisoners. That is the only proper answer I can give. Of course, there are some exceptions from time to time. But in general our prisoners are prisoners only for a short time and then it is all over; they are liquidated. The Japanese do not like to be embarrassed by our prisoners, you understand.

于斌司教「（中国人の）捕虜の大部分が日本人に殺されたので、それは私達にとってかなり辛い質問です。日本人はほんの僅かな時間彼らを確保してそれから殺してしまいました。それが全てです。 彼らは中国人の囚人のことで手を焼くのが嫌いです。私が与えられる適切な答えはこれだけです。 もちろん、若干の例外はあります。しかし一般的には中国人の捕虜は短い間捉えられ、それで終わってしまいます。彼らは精算されてしまいます。あなたも理解しているように、日本人は私達の捕虜により当惑させられるのが好きではないです」

Mr.MANSFIELD. Thank you very much.

マンスフィールド氏「どうもありがとうございました」

Chairman BLOOM. Your Excellency, following the question of Mr.Mansfield I would like to have Father Norris. Who might be able to enlighten us on that because he has been a prisoner in Japan and now he is back here. Father Norris, would you mind saying just a few words to the committee?

ブルーム議長「マンスフィールド氏の質問の後は、ノリス神父にお願いしたいです。 ノリス神父は日本で捕虜となり、そして今彼はここに戻ってきましたので、我々にそれについて教えを頂けるかもしれません。ノリス神父、委員会に2,3言お言葉を頂けないでしょうか？」

STATEMENT OF REV. RONALD NORRIS , C.P.

聖職者ロナルド・ノリス様のお言葉

Reverend Mr.Norris. Honarable Chairman and esteemed members of the committee. I want to thank you for this invitation to appear before your committee. As prearranged, I have ceded my time to the Bishop. In doing honor to Bishop Yu Pin you also honor me. I want to take occasion to thank the United States Government for bringing me from the Japanese prison at Hong Kong to the United States.

聖職者ノリス「名誉議員様と尊敬すべき委員会のメンバー様、私はあなた方の委員会に出席するようお招きをうけまして、感謝をしております。 事前の打ち合わせ通りに、私は司教に時間を譲っております。于斌司教に敬意を示してくれる時、あなた方は私にも敬意を示してくれています。香港にある日本の刑務所から米国まで私を連れ出してくれた米国政府に感謝する機会を持ちたいです」

Chairman BLOOM. Your Excellency, on behalf of the committee we thank you very much and we thank you other gentlemen who have come here. You have been very enlightening and have given one of the best talks we have had on the Chinese situation before this committee, and it was a great pleasure to have you here. We wish you success.

ブルーム議長「司教様、委員会の代表として私たちはあなたに感謝をし、ここに来てくださった他の紳士にも感謝しています。あなたはとても啓発的で、かつて中国の状況についてこの委員会で議論した中で、最高の会談を与えてくれた一人です。そしてあなたをここに招いたことは大きな喜びでした。 私たちはあなたの成功をお祈りします」